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^3 White (Rev, H.) The Early History of New 
England, illustrated by nuu^erous interesting 
incidents, post 8vo, cloth gilt, 1.00, Portland, 
I 1851. 

Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2013 








*• O God, our fathers have told us what work thou didst in their days.'* 


Entered according to an Act of Congress, in the year 1841, 
By Rev. Henry White, 
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of New-Hampshire. 


It has been the growing conviction of the author 

of these pages, that there is much in the early his- 
tory of New England suited to effect the happiest 
results ; that it contains numerous incidents highly 
adapted to exhibit God in a most glorious and de- 
lightful view ; to give us admiring thoughts of his 
wisdom, benevolence, and faithfulness ; to inflame 
the love, strengthen the faith, and awaken the 
gratitude of his people ; to interest and instruct 
the mind, and to promote morality and religion in 
the community. 

With this impression, it seemed exceedingly de- 
sirable that these incidents should be extensively 
read. But hitherto they have been confined to a 
few rare works, so that, to most persons, they have 
been inaccessible, and to a great degree unknown. 
The design of this volume is, to embody these 
incidents, and present them to the reader in one 

Selections have been made from the following 
works, viz. Mather's Magnalia, Winthrop's Journal, 
Morton's New England Memorial, Prince's Chrono- 
logy, Hubbard's History of New England ; the His- 
tories of Hutchinson, Trumbull, Belknap, Williams, 



Whiton, Williamson, Sullivan, Morse and Parish; 
Neal's History of New England ; Dwight's Tra- 
vels ; the Annals of Holmes ; Trumbull's History 
of the United States, Hoyt's Antiquarian Researches 
and Indian Wars, Barber's Historical Collections of 
Massachusetts, Collections of the Massachusetts His- 
torical Society, Goodrich's Church History, Annals 
of Portsmouth, Memoirs of Roger Williams, Drake's 
Indian Biography, Allen's Biographical Dictionary, 
Hubbard's Indian Wars, Thacher's History of Ply- 
mouth, Willis' History of Portland, Collections of 
the New Hampshire Historical Society, Hawes' Tri- 
bute to the Memory of the Pilgrims, Mirick's His- 
tory of Haverhill, Williams' Memoir of Rev. John 
Williams, Turner's Traits of Indian Character, Ba- 
con's Historical Discourses, and Barber's Historical 
Collections of Connecticut. Some incidents have 
been taken from Miss Leslie's Boston Cards, and 
from other small" works. 



Causes which led to the Emigration of the Fathers of New- 

England page 7 


Difficulties and Perils of the Voyage 11 

Hardships, Privations, and Sufferings of the first Company 
and others, after their Arrival 13 


The Manifestations of God's peculiar Regard for them 31 


Remarkable Answers to Prayer 41 


Public Calamities 47 

Ambuscades, Assaults, Massacres, and Depredations of the 
Indians. 53 

A particular Account of several who fell into the Hands of 
the Indians Ill 


Remarkable Escapes and Preservations 179 


Interesting Traits in the Indian Character 217 

Interest manifested in the Welfare of the Indians, and its In- 
fluence upon them 242 

Estimate placed upon the Institutions of Religion by the first 
Settlers of New England 258 


Miscellaneous 280 






During the reign of Elizabeth, who ascended the 
throne of England in 1558, there arose a class of people 
who were called Puritans. They were so named from 
the superior purity and simplicity of their mode of wor- 
ship. In them were seen the happy fruits of the reforma- 
tion from popery, which was to the church the ushering 
in of a bright and glorious day, after a dark and dismal 
night of ten centuries. They were lights upon the earth. 
They increased in number, until they were found in every 
portion of the kingdom. For a length of years they were 
united in their mode of worship ; but, in 1602, a portion 
of them, being dissatisfied with certain usages and cere- 
monies practised by the great body, which they deemed 
unscriptural, withdrew, and, " as the Lord's free people, 
joined themselves by covenant into a church state to walk 
in all his ways, made known, or to be made known to 
them, according to their best endeavors, whatever it might 
cost them." 

This church, having elected Rev. John Robinson their 
pastor, emigrated to Holland, and settled at Leyden in 
1610, where they remained nearly eleven years. But their 
situation being unfavorable to their prosperity as a com- 
munity, — their youth being greatly exposed to the evil 
example of the Dutch, and their opportunities for useful- 
ness limited and ill suited to their enlarged desires of doing 
good, — they, after mature consideration and many fervent 



[chap. I, 

prayers for divine direction, resolved to emigrate to the 
unexplored shores of America. "It was agreed," says 
Morton, *' that part of the church should go before their 
brethren into America, to prepare for the rest ; and if, 
in case the major part of the church did choose to go 
over with the first, th^n the pastor to go along with 
them ; but if the major part stayed, he was then to stay 
with them." Accordingly, a vessel was procured, and 
less than half their number sailed for England, where they 
arrived about the 2d of July, 1620. Having engaged 
another vessel, on the 6th of September following, they 
embarked for America, and, on the 11th of November, 
anchored in Cape Cod harbor ; having been more than 
two months on the passage. 

Causes of the chief influence in the removal of our 
forefathers are found in the oppression of ecclesiastical 
intolerance which prevailed in England, and in the desire 
and hope of establishing the gospel and its institutions in 
foreign parts. 

Love of religious freedom is natural to man. We inhale 
it with our very being. Accordingly, in every age, men 
have been tenacious of the privilege of worshiping the 
Supreme Being in a way suited to their own views of duty. 

With this spirit the fathers of New England were deeply 
imbued. They were men of enlightened views — magna- 
nimous in their character — of warm and ardent feelings. 
And no men living better understood the subject of human 
rights than they. For several successive reigns, a spirit 
of intolerance had oppressed and afflicted the Lord's 
people in the mother country. Laws, prescribing certain 
usages and modes of worship, and threatening the severest 
penalties, were promulgated, and, more or less, severely 
executed. A few brief facts will show the condition of 
those times. 

" An act," says Hoyt, " was passed in 1593, for punish- 
ing all who refused to come to church, or were present at 
any conventicle, or unauthorized meeting. The punish- 
ment was imprisonment until the convicted agreed to con- 
form, and made declaration of his conformity; and if that 
was not done in three months, he was to quit the realm, 
or go into perpetual banishment. In case he did not 



depart within the time limited, or returned without license, 
he was to suffer death." 

In 1567, one " Bolton, with twenty-three men and 
seven women, were sent to Bridewell, and kept there a 
year," for absenting themselves from the meetings of the 
established church, and repeatedly assembling to attend 
upon the worship and ordinances of God in a way they 
deemed according to the rules of Christ. 

Prince says, that "in 1592, a company set up another 
church in London, choosing Mr. Francis Johnson pastor, 
and Mr. Greenwood teacher ; who, with fifty-four of their 
church, were soon seized by the bishop's officers, and sent 
to several jails, where some were loaded with irons, some 
shut up in dungeons, some beat with cudgels, some, both 
men and women, perished, Mr. Greenwood and Barrow 
executed, others kept in close prison for four or five years." 

Goodrich says of those times, " Toleration was a virtue 
unknown on English ground. In exile alone was security 
to be found from the pains and penalties of non-conform- 
ity to the church of England." Speaking of Mr. Robin- 
son and his people, when about to embark for Holland, 
he says, " The design of this congregation being suspect- 
ed, strict orders were given that they should not be suffered 
to depart. They were necessitated to use the most secret 
methods, to give extravagant fees to seamen, by whom they 
were often betrayed. Twice they attempted to embark, 
were discovered and prevented. At another time, having 
got on board a ship, with their effects, the shipmaster 
sailed a little distance, then returned and delivered them 
to the resentment of their enemies. The next year they 
made another attempt, in which, after the severest trials, 
they succeeded. Havin*g engaged a ship belonging to 
Holland for their conveyance, they were going on board. 
By some treachery, their enemies had been informed of 
their design, and, at this juncture, a great number of armed 
men came upon them. A part of the men were on board, 
without any of their effects; the v.'omen and children 
were in a bark approaching the ship. The Dutch captain, 
apprehensive of danger to himself, hoisted sail, and with 
a fair wind directed his course to Holland. The passen- 
gers used every effort to persuade him to return, in 



[chap. I 

vain. They saw their wives and children fall into the 
hands of merciless enemies, while unable to afford them 
any relief They had none of their effects, not even a 
change of clothes, on board. — After some time, all theii* 
friends who had been left, by the favor of a gracious Pro- 
vidence, in perils of robbers, in perils by their own coun- 
trymen, in perils in the sea, in perils among false brethren^ 
arrived safely in Holland, where they mingled their mutual 
congratulations with grateful praise to God." 

Such being the character of the times in the mother 
country, our fathers were induced to make their escape 
from the windy storm and tempest, and finally to take 
refuge in this distant land, where they could breathe the 
vital air of religious freedom. 

Nor was it merely with the view of escaping the evils 
which assailed them at home, that they crossed the Atlan- 
tic, and took up their abode in a strange land. No, a 
benevolent desire to benefit others greatly influenced their 

True benevolence is expansive. It extends to all its 
kind regards. It seeks the welfare of those it never saw. 
This lovely principle dwelt in the bosom of our fathers, 
and under its influence they lived and moved. They 
knew that the savage tribes, which roamed this western 
wilderness, were immortal like themselves; that they were 
lost in sin ; and that, without a knowledge of the blood of 
Christ, they must perish. They knew, also, that they had 
never seen the Bible, nor heard the gospel. A view of 
their condition moved the pity of their heart. They felt 
an unquenchable desire to come over and help them; and 
moved by this desire, as well as by the cause before 
mentioned, they came over. Prince mentions, as a promi- 
nent reason of their removal, " an inward zeal and great 
hope of laying some foundation, or making way for pro- 
pagating the kingdom of Christ to the remote ends of the 
earth, though they should be as stepping stones to others." 

Here is the spirit of missions. Here is seen its true 
character. It attempts great things — eipeets great things 
— is not influenced by a regard to self. It was not in 
pursuit of fame — it was not to amass wealth — it was not to 
aggrandize themselves or families, that the fathers of New 



England visited these shores, and took up here their resi- 
dence. No, like their descendants, — who, in these latter 
days, have gone far hence to the heathen; like Paul, the 
great apostle of the Gentiles ; yea, like the Son of God, 
who came down to this world upon an errand of infinite 
kindness, — they were influenced by a regard to the good 
of others, were moved by a spirit of benevolence, a spirit 
of missions. 


Two vessels, the Speedwell and Mayflower, the one 60, 
the other 180 tons, having been procured, and all things 
made ready, the pilgrims went on board, and sailed from 
Southampton the 5th of August, 1620. But it is not eve- 
ry cloudless morning that is followed by a clear and plea- 
sant day. Before them were difficulties and perils that 
would have unnerved the resolution of any but those who 
could say, "It is not with us as with other men, whom 
small things can discourage or small discontentments cause 
to wish ourselves at home again." They had not sailed 
far, before the Speedwell was discovered to be leaky, and 
they put into Dartmouth. Having refitted at great expense, 
with loss of time and fair wind, they again put to sea. 
"When they had sailed about 100 leagues beyond Land's 
End in England, the Speedwell was again found to be 
leaky. Both vessels then returned and went into Plymouth. 
Here it was resolved to dismiss the Speedwell, and as many 
as could, one hundred and one in all, went on board the 
Mayflower. The rest, twenty in number, after a sorrow- 
ful parting, returned to London. Having now been de- 
tained on the coast of England, perplexed with disappoint- 
ments and delays, a full month, on the 6th of September, 
they put to sea with a fair wind, and proceeded on their 
way. About the middle of the voyage they were met by 
cross winds, and severe and heavy storms lay on them for 
many days together. They could carry no sail, and wero 


obliged to lie wholly at the mercy of winds and waves. 
The vessel, through the violence of the storm, became 
shattered and leaky, and one of the main beams in the mid- 
ship was cracked, and removed from its place. Strong 
fears were now felt that they should not be able to pro- 
ceed. Accordingly, a consultation was held between the 
passengers and officers of the ship, upon the subject of re- 
turning. But there was a passenger on board who had 
brought from Holland a large iron screw, by means of 
which the fractured beam was brought to its place, and 
made fast. They then renewedly committed themselves 
to the care of a kind Providence, and proceeded on the 
passage, and, on the 9th of November, at break of day, 
to their exceeding joy, they made the land of Cape Cod. 
But as it was their intention to settle somewhere about 
Hudson's River, they bore away to the southward. Pro- 
ceeding on in that direction about half a day, they found 
themselves in the midst of perilous shoals and breakers. 
Seeing that it would be exceedingly hazardous for them 
to proceed, they returned to Cape Cod harbor, where they 
anchored in safety on the 11th of November. " And being 
brought safe to land, they fell upon their knees, and blessed 
the God of heaven, who had brought them over the vast 
and furious ocean, and delivered them from many perils 
and miseries." 

How strongly are we here reminded of the fact which 
often meets us on the page of history, that great and im- 
portant events arc preceded hy dark and trying providences ! 
To the Israelites God gave the land of Canaan, but not 
until they had passed through all that great and terrible 
wilderness, and endured many priv^ations and sufferings. 
Columbus discovered and gave to the nations of Europe a 
NEW WORLD, but not until he had been severely tried by 
disappointments and the frowning disapprobation of those 
in power ; not until he had crossed a pathless ocean^ 
outbraved fierce and appalling storms, and been in jeo- 
pardy from a mutinous and daring crew. Our fathers 
were put in possession of this goodly land ; but not until 
they had endured difficulties and perils, such as have fallen 
to none of their sons; such as were suited to deject and 
lay low the courage of the firmest mind 



Let none, after reading this account, conclude that they 
are not in the path of duty, simply because their way is 
beset with trials and discouragements. 

Nor let it pass unnoticed how small a circumstance 
sometimes controls a great event. The fate of this voy- 
age, it appears, turned on the mere incident that one of the 
passengers had on board a screw, by means of which a 
fractured beam was repaired and held in its place. 

And it should be remembered that, even at this distance 
of time, our hearts should swell with devout gratitude to 
the great Ruler of the universe for bearing our fathers 
through the perils of the deep, and landing them in safety 
upon our shores. Who that treads the soil of New Eng- 
land has not cause to be grateful ? For all, in one way 
or another, are reaping the advantages of those noble in 
stitutions our ancestors established. And how many, who 
have gone before us, have partaken of similar benefits ! 



We have followed this little band in their trials along 
the English coast, and at length across the stormy and 
perilous ocean. 

We now behold them on the unexplored coast of Ame- 
rica, in a northern latitude, just at the setting in of winter ; 
having no place of settlement, and not knowing that any 
would or could be discovered ; without a shelter to screen 
them from the piercing cold and storms of a severe cli- 
mate; with a vast ocean rolling between them and the 
civilized world ; their only place of retreat a waste, howl- 
ing wilderness, wearing the gloom of November, and 
inhabited only by savage beasts and more savage men ; 
with no kind friends to welcome them to these shores and 
to their hospitable dwellings ; some of them having left 



[chap. III. 

their wives either in Holland or England, while others 
had left part, and some even all their children. 

What a spectacle is here presented to our view ! One, 
it should seem, that might awaken emotion in the breast 
of the most unfeeling, and bring the tear of sympathy into 
the dryest eye. 

But true greatness does not sit down in despondency. 
It looks upward to God's merciful throne for guidance 
and support, and goes steadily forward in the path of duty, 
trials and discouragements notwithstanding. 

Before leaving Holland, this little company had sent 
over to England, and, after long delay, and no little diffi- 
culty, obtained of the South Virginia Company a charter, 
which secured to them the right of settlement about Hud- 
son's River. But it gave them neither right nor power 
on the coast of New England, which was in another juris- 
diction. Consequently, this instrument was useless, and 
they were in a manner reduced to a state of nature." 

This being their condition, they deemed it important 
to form themselves " into a body politic under the crown 
of England." Accordingly, on the 11th of November, 
after uniting in prayer to Almighty God, by mutual con- 
sent they entered into a solemn combination, as a body 
politic, to submit to such government and governors, laws 
and ordinances as should, by general consent, from time 
to time, be made choice of, and consented to." Thev 
elected Mr. John Carver their governor for the first year. 

Having taken these preparatory measures for their secu- 
rity and prosperity, they, on the same day, set fifteen or 
sixteen men on shore to make discoveries and procure 
wood. They returned at evening, having seen neither 
house nor inhabitant. 

On Monday, the 13th of November, many went on shore 
to refresh theinselves, and the women for washing. In 
passing from the ship to the shore, they were obliged to 
wade through the water quite a distance ; and the weather 
being cold and freezing, numbers caught cold, which 
brought on a severe cough. Many of them did not sur- 
vive the approaching winter. 

On the 15th, while the boat, called the shallop, was 
refitting, Capt. Standish with sixteen men set out in search 



of a place of settlement. Directing their course south- 
ward, they had not marched far, before they saw five or 
six Indians, who fled from them into the woods. They 
pursued, but could not overtake them. Night coming on, 
they passed it in the wilderness. The next day they found 
a number of Indian graves ; near which they discovered a 
quantity of corn buried in the ground. They took part 
of it, intending' to satisfy the natives the first opportunity. 
They now set out on their return. Having arrived at a 
large pond they had visited in coming from the ship, they 
built a barricado, kindled a fire, set sentinels, and retired 
for the night, which proved very rainy. The next day 
they lost their way, wandering about, not knowing what 
course to take. At length, after travelling through woods, 
over sands, and in water, sometimes up to the knees, they 
reached the ship, where they received a joyful welcome. 

On the 27th of November, the shallop being repaired, 
twenty-four of their number, Mr. Jones, the master of the 
ship, and nine sailors, set out upon another expedition for 
discovery. Before they had proceeded far, the weather 
became rough and the wind contrary, and they were forced 
to row for the nearest shore, wading above their knees to 
the land. It blew, and snowed, and froze, all this day 
and night ; and disease, which soon terminated the life of 
many of them, originated in this exposure. The next day 
they sailed for the port they were in pursuit of, but found 
it unfit for shipping. They landed, however, and marched 
four or five miles along a creek, passing over hills and 
valleys, the snow being half a foot deep. Having become 
weary, they encamped for the night under a cluster of 
pine-trees. They had eaten little during the day ; but a 
kind Providence furnished them with three geese and six 
ducks for their supper, which they ate with a good appe- 
tite. The next day, in digging for the discovery of corn, 
they found the ground to be frozen a foot in depth — such 
had been the severity of the weather. Capt. Jones, with 
fifteen others, some of whom had become weak and feeble, 
and others sick, set out on their return to the ship. 
Eighteen remained to make further discoveries. On the 
following day, they marched five or six miles into the 
woods, but discovering no signs of inhabitants, returned. 



[chap. Ill 

The shallop arriving, they went on board at night, and the 
next day returned to the ship. They remained on board 
several days ; during which, one of their number, named 
Edward Thomson, died, and, before the close of Decem- 
ber, Jive others were called down to the grave. 

On the 6th of December, a company set out on a third 
expedition. The weather being very cold^the spray of 
the sea froze upon their clothes so that they were com- 
pletely covered with ice. At night they found themselves 
at the lower end of the bay. As they drew near the shore, 
they saw ten or twelve Indians cutting up a fish. They 
landed a league or two from them ; but it was with much 
difficulty that they reached the shore,. on account of shoals. 
After making preparations for the night, they betook them 
selves to their lodgings, such as they were, the smoke of 
the Indians' fire being in full view, about four or five miles 
distant. The next morning they divided their company, a 
part travelling along the shore, while the rest coasted along 
the shoals. About nine or ten o'clock, they lost sight of 
the shallop. They roved about, making discoveries, until 
night, when they hasted out of the woods, and seeing 
the shallop, they made a signal for her to come into the 
creek. Here they passed the night. At five in the morn- 
ing, they arose, united in prayer, and were expecting soon 
to go on board the shallop, when one of their number came 
running in, calling out, " Indians! Indians !" At this mo- 
ment the arrows came flying about them. The cry of the 
Indians was dreadful. The company defended themselves 
most manfully. One of the enemy, who was more stout 
and brave than the rest, stood behind a tree and discharged 
his arrows. He kept his position until three muskets were 
fired at him, when one, taking good aim, hit the tree, and 
*' made the bark or splinters fly about his ears, after which 
he gave an extraordinary shriek, and away they went all of 
them." Some of the arrows shot by the Indians were 
headed with brass, others with hart's horn, and others with 
eagle's claws." The English received no injury, though 
their clothes, which hung up in their barricado, Avere shot 
throuorh and throucrh. This was the first encounter with 
the Indians. After they had united in giving solemn 
thanksgiving to God for this deliverance, they went on 


board the shallop, and sailed along the coast about fifteen 
leagues, in pursuit of a convenient harbor. Not finding 
any, they set out for one their pilot told them he had seen, 
and which it was thought they might reach before night. 
But after some hours' sailing, it began to snow and rain, 
and about the middle of the afternoon, the wind increas- 
ing, and the sea becoming very rough, the rudder broke, 
and it was Avith great difiiculty that two men with oars 
could steer the shallop. The storm increased more and 
more, and night approaching, they bore what sail they 
could, in order to get in before dark; but their mast giving 
way, broke into three pieces, and the sails fell overboard 
into the sea. They were now in the most imminent dan- 
ger of foundering ; but the tide being favorable, they suc- 
ceeded in reaching the harbor, supposing it to be the 
one they were in pursuit of. The pilot, at this crisis dis- 
covering his mistake, cried out, " Lord be merciful to us ! 
my eyes never saw this place before." He, with the mate, 
would have run the shallop ashore in a cove full of break- 
ers : but the sternsman called out to the rowers, About 
with her, or we are cast away." Immediately they got her 
about, and although it had become very dark, and rained 
powerfully, they got under the lee of a large island. It 
was now a matter of doubt with some of them, whether it 
were best to go ashore on account of the savages. At 
length, the most hardy among them concluded to remain in 
the boat, while a number were so feeble, and wet, and cold, 
that they thought they could not endure it. They there- 
fore ventured on shore, and with great difficulty kindled a 
fire. After midnight the wind shifted into the north-west, 
and the weather became cold and freezing. Those in the 
boat were now glad to join their companions on the land. 
The next morning, finding that they were in no danger from 
the Indians, they remained and dried their clothes, fixed 
their fire-arms, rested themselves, and united in rendering 
thanks to Almighty God for the merciful deliverances he 
had afforded them ; and as this was the last day of the 
week, they staid and kept the Sabbath. On Monday they 
sounded the harbor, and finding it fit for shipping, they 
marched into the main land, and after exploring the ground, 
concluded it to be a suitable place for settlement They 



accordingly returned to the ship, and reported, to the grea* 
joy of those on board, the discovery they had made. Du- 
ring their absence, Dorothy, wife of William Bradford, 
had fallen overboard, and was drowned. 

On the 15th of December, the ship sailed for the newly 
discovered port, and having arrived within two leagues, 
was met by a heavy north-west wind, which drove her back. 
The next day, however, they entered the harbor. On the 
two succeeding days, small parties went on shore for the 
purpose of making further discoveries. On the morning 
of the 21st, after imploring the divine guidance, twenty 
of their number went on shore with a view to fix upon 
some place for immediate settlement. This was the day 
on which the pilgrims first stepped on the memorable 
" Forefathers' Rock." After surveying the country, they 
selected what they thought the most eligible place. At 
evening a storm of wind and rain arose, which lasted du- 
ring the night, and for two days the wind blew so violently 
that they were unable to reach the ship, but were obliged 
to remain on shore without a shelter. 

On Saturday, the 23d, as many as could, went on shore, 
and commenced cutting and carrying timber for a common 
building. On the Sabbath, those who remained on shore, 
were alarmed by the cry of Indians ; but no foe appeared 
On Monday, the 25th, they commenced building the first 
house. It was about 20 feet square — designed for com- 
mon use. During the night and the next day, they were 
visited by another storm of wind and rain. On the 28th, 
they reduced themselves to nineteen families — measured 
out, and assigned to each, their lots. In consequence of 
exposures and hardships, many of them were taken ill of 
heavy colds. On the 29th and 30th, it was very cold and 
stormy ; and at the distance of about six or seven miles, 
were seen great smokes arising from the fires of the In- 

" Though most of the company were on board the ship 
on the Lord's day, December 31st, yet some of them kept 
the Sabbath for the first time in their new house. Here 
therefore is fixed the era of their settlement, v/hich, in 
grateful remembrance of the Christian friends, whom they 
found at the last town they left in their native country, 



they called Plymouth. This was the foundation of the 
first English town built in New England." 

January 12th. — About the middle of the day, two of the 
company, going out to gather thatch, discovered a deer, 
which, with their dogs, they pursued until they were lost 
in the woods. After wandering in the wilderness until the 
close of the day, they spent the night, which proved freez- 
ing and snowy, in walking about under a tree. Their 
friends were greatly distressed on their account, fearing 
that they had fallen into the hands of the Indians. Two 
parties went in search of them, but in vain. The next 
evening, the two men, after spending the day in travelling 
from place to place, reached home almost spent with cold 
and hunger. 

On Lord's day, January 14th, about six o'clock in the 
morning, their house took fire from a spark which fell upon 
4ie thatched roof, and was entirely consumed. When the 
fire caught, Gov. Carver and Mr. William Bradford were 
in the house, sick in their beds. Those on board the ship, 
when they saw the flames, concluded that the Indians had 
made an attack upon the place ; but by reason of a tem- 
pestuous wind and low tide, they were unable to render 
any assistance. 

During this month they were called to close the eyes of 
eight of their number in death. 

February 16th. — One of the company who was out a 
fowling, saw twelve Indians pass by him towards the set- 
tlement. He lay close until they had gone by, when he 
hastened home, and gave the alarm. Towards night, they 
saw a large fire near the place where the Indians were 
seen ; but none of them made their appearance until the 
next day, when two presented themselves on a hill at a 
considerable distance, and made signs for the English to 
come to them. Capt. Standish and Mr. Hopkins, one of 
whom carried a musket, went towards them. As they 
approached, the one who carried the gun laid it down, as 
a token of peace. But the Indians would not stay till 
they came up to them. The noise of many more Indians 
was heard under the hill ; but no others made their ap- 

During this and the following month, they suffered ex- 



tremely from sickness and death. The number of deaths 
was thirty. Two or three sometimes died in a day. . The 
living were scarcely able to bury the dead ; and, in the 
time of their greatest distress, not more than six or seven 
were well enough to tend upon the sick. At the end of 
the month of March, less than sixty, of the one hundred 
and one who came in the Mayflower, survived. 

" Tradition gives an affecting picture of the infant 
colony during this critical and distressing period. The 
dead were buried on the bank at a little distance from 
the rock where the fathers landed ; and, lest the Indians 
should take advantage of the weak and wretched state of 
the English, the graves were levelled and sown, for the 
purpose of concealment." 

In the month of April, Gov. Carver was removed by 
death. He was taken ill in the field, while engaged in 
planting; complained greatly of his head; in a few hours 
his senses left him, and he spoke no more. He survived 
but a few days. His wife, being overcome by excessive 
grief, died in about five or six weeks. The sorrow of 
this little colony at the loss of their governor, who was a 
man of eminent piety, and sincerely devoted to their inte 
rest, is better conceived than described. He had sustained 
his office only four months and twenty-four days. 

Their bill of mortality now stood as follows : — Decem- 
ber, 6 ; January, 8; February, 17 ; March, 13; April, 1 ; 
whole number, 45. 

On the 9th of November, a vessel arrived from England, 
bringing thirty-six passengers. Having been long on the 
passage, she had spent nearly all her provisions ; conse- 
quently the passengers, after her departure, were depend- 
ent upon the colony for the means of subsistence. After 
distributing them among the several families, it was found 
necessary to put the whole company on half allowance. 
The Narragansetts, a numerous and powerful trjbe, learn- 
ing that the ship brought neither arms nor provision, began 
to manifest hostile intentions. They "sent the English a 
bundle of arrows, tied with a snake's skin, as a defiance 
and denunciation of war. The English filled the skin 
with bullets, and sent it back with this answer — that they 
had done them no wrong, did not fear them, and were 



provided for them, come when the) would. The Narra- 
gansetts would not suffer the bullets to come near them, 
and they were moved about from place to place, till they 
found their way back to the English again, and the Indians 
remained quiet." 

The settlers now judged it prudent to enclose their 
houses by a strong impalement, which was completed in 
February. They also, for further security, enclosed part 
of the hill, and formed bulwarks, with gates to be locked 
at night, and watch and ward was kept during the day. 
The whole company was divided into four squadrons, and 
each one had its particular posts assigned it, in case of 
alarm. One of the companies was directed to attend par- 
ticularly to any fires that might happen, while others were 
to serve as guards with their muskets," 

In the spring of 1622, their provisions being nearly 
expended, they were threatened with famine. Alter anx- 
iously looking and hoping in vain for a supply, the evil 
they had deprecated actually came upon them. Bread 
they had none, and their other provisions were almost 
spent. In the course of the month, a shallop belonging to 
a fishing-boat, which, with about thirty others, was em- 
ployed on the eastern coast, arrived in the harbor. They 
brought seven planters, who had come over from England, 
but could leave no provisions. The governor despatched 
Mr. Winslow with a boat to accompany the shallop on her 
return, for the purpose of purchasing provision of the fish- 
ermen. They supplied him gratuitously to the extent of 
their ability. They could, however, spare only sufficient 
to furnish each person with a quarter of a pound of bread 
a day, until harvest. " I returned," says Mr. Winslow, 
" with all speed convenient ; when I found the state of the 
colony much weaker than when I left it, for till now, we 
were never without some bread ; the want whereof much 
abated the strength and flesh of some, and swelled others. 
And indeed, had we not been in a place, where divers sorts 
of shell fish are, that may be taken with the hand, we must 
have perished, unless God had raised some unknown or 
extraordinary means for our preservation." 

" In time of these straits," adds Mr. Winslow, " the In- 
dians began to cast forth many insulting speeches, glorying 



in our weakness, and giving out how easy it would be ere 
long to cut us oflf. Now also Massasoit seemed to frown 
on us, and neither came nor sent to us as formerly." 

It has been stated that they were at one time reduced 
to a single pint of corn, which, being equally divided, gave 
to each person five kernels, which were parched and eaten.' 

Mr. Bradford remarks, that the Spaniards were thought 
by Peter Martyr to have suffered hardships which none but 
a Spaniard could endure, when they were obliged to live 
for five days together upon parched corn only ; whereas the 
people of Plymouth, the first two or three years, thought a 
meal of Indian corn as good as a feast, and sometimes not 
for five days only, but for two or three months together, 
were destitute of that, and all other corn, or bread of any 

" The fourth year after their arrival, they were threat- 
ened with the total destruction of their crop, and absolute 
famine. From about the middle of May to the middle of 
July, they had not one shower of rain, and the extreme 
heat of the sun upon their sandy soil had so dried up their 
corn, that they were almost in despair of its ever being re- 
stored ; but in the evening, after a day of fasting and pray- 
er, it began to rain, and by repeated showers their corn 
recovered its verdure, and they had a plentiful harvest." 

*' New comers were extremely affected with the misera- 
ble condition of those who had been almost three years in 
the country. An interview with old friends under such 
suffering circumstances was truly appalling." 

" The best dish we could present them with," says Gov. 
Bradford, "was a lobster or piece of fish, without bread, 
or any thing else but a cup of fair spring water ; and the 
long continuance of this diet, with our labors abroad, has 
somewhat abated the freshness of our complexions ; but 
God gives us health." 

In 1624, Mr. Winslow, on his return from England, 
brought over four neat cattle — three heifers and a bull. 
These were the first introduced into the colony. Conse- 
quently, they had been four years without milk. 

Hubbard, speaking of the condition of the colony about 
seven years after their arrival, says, "During this time the 
painful and diligent labor of this poor people is not to be 



forgotten ; who all this while were forced to pound their 
corn in mortars, not having ability in their hands to erect 
other engines to grind, by the help either of winds or 

In April, 1626, they received intelligence of the death 
of their beloved pastor, Mr. Robinson. He died at Ley- 
den, March 1, 1625, in the fiftieth year of his age. In 
their circumstances, this was indeed heavy news ; and it 
filled their hearts with the deepest sorrow. The letter 
which brought the intelligence, assured them that his 
sickness was short ; that he was sensible to the last ; and 
that if prayers, tears, or means would have saved his life, 
he had not gone hence. It adds, " We still hold close 
together in peace, wishing that you and we were again 

In the summer of 1627, Mr. John Endicott came over 
with a colony, and settled at Salem, then called Naum- 
keag. They found about one hundred planters already on 
the ground, with nine houses. Those who were already 
there, with those who had newly come, amounted to about 
three hundred ; one hundred of whom removed to Charles- 
town, the rest remaining at Salem. 

Before the close of July, 1630, eleven vessels arrived 
from England, and, before the end of the year, six others. 
They brought over above fifteen hundred passengers. The 
Arabella, having on board Gov. Winthrop and several of 
his assistants, arrived at Salem the I2th of June. " The 
common people immediately went ashore, and regaled 
themselves with strawberries, which were very fine in 
America, and were then in perfection. This might give 
them a favorable idea of the produce of the country ; but 
they met with enough to fill them with concern. The 
first news they had was of a general conspiracy, a few 
months before, of all the Indians as far as Narragansett, 
to extirpate the English. Eighty persons, out of about 
three hundred, had died in the colony the winter before, 
and many of those who remained were in a weak, sickly 
condition. There was not corn enough to have lasted 
above a fortnight, and all other provisions were very scant. 
They had not above three or four months to look out pro- 
per places for settlement, and to provide shelter against 



the severity of the winter. With this prospect of diffi- 
culties, great enough, it would seem, for them to encoun- 
ter, sickness began among them. Being destitute of ne- 
cessary accommodations, they dropped away one after 
another. Before December, they had lost two hundred 
of their number, including a few who died on their pas- 

*' Among others that were at that time visited with 
mortal sickness, the Lady Arabella, wife of Mr. Isaac 
Johnson, was one who, possibly, had not taken the counsel 
of our Savior to sit down and count the cost, before she 
began to build. For, coming from a paradise of plenty 
and pleasure, which she enjoyed in the family of a noble 
earldom, into a wilderness of wants, it proved too strong 
a temptation for her ; so that the virtues of her mind were 
not able to stem the tide of those many adversities of her 
outward condition, which she, soon after her arrival, saw 
herself surrounded with. For, within a short time after, 
she ended her days at Salem, where she first landed; 
leaving her husband, a worthy gentleman of note for piety 
and wisdom, a sorrowful mourner, and so overwhelmed 
with grief, that about a month after, viz. September 30, 
1G30, death carried him after her into another world, to 
the extreme loss of the whole plantation." 

*' Salem was already supplied with as many inhabitants 
as at that time it was well able to receive. Therefore, 
Gov. Winthrop, and most of the gentlemen who came 
along with him, having taken a view of the country at the 
bottom of Massachusetts Bay, and finding that there was 
territory sufficient for several towns, took the first oppor- 
tunity of removing thither. They at first pitched on the 
north side of Charles River, where they laid the foundation 
of the first town. But the chief part of the company 
made provision for another plantation on the neck of land 
on the south side of the river, which was afterwards called 
Boston, and erected such small cottages as might shelter 
them during the approaching winter. The governor and 
deputy governor, with most of the assistants, removed 
their families thither about November. Some scattering 
inhabitants had some years before taken up their habita- 
tions on each side of Charles River, some at Mattapan, 



since called Dorchester. Here Mr. Ludlow and his com- commenced a settlement. Mr. Pynchon, with some 
otiiers, chose a place midway between Dorchester and 
Eostoii, and called it Roxbury. Sir Richard Saltonstall 
setil(Hl with his family and friends higher up the river, and 
called the place Watertown." 

On the 6th of December, the governor and assistants 
met, and agreed to fortify the neck between Boston and 
Roxbury, and orders were given for preparing the mate- 
rials; but at another meeting on the 21st, they laid that 
design aside, and agreed on a place three miles above 
Charlestown, and most of them engaged to build houses 
there another year. The weather held tolerable until the 
24th of December ; but the cold then came on with vio- 
lence. Such a Christmas eve they had never seen before. 
From that time to the 10th of February, their chief care 
was to keep themselves warm, and as comfortable in other 
respects as their scanty provisions would permit. The 
poorer sort were much exposed, lying in tents and misera- 
ble hovels, and many died of the scurvy, and other dis- 
tempers. They were so short of provisions, that many 
were obliged to live on clams, muscles, and other shell 
fish, with ground nuts and acorns instead of bread. One 
that came to the governor's house to complain of his 
sufferings, was prevented, being informed that even there 
the last batch was in the oven. Some instances are men- 
tioned of great calmness and resignation in this distress. 
A good man, who had asked his neighbor to a dish of 
clams, after dinner returned thanks to God, who had given 
them to suck of the abundance of the seas, and of treasure 
hid in the sands. They had appointed the 22d of Febru- 
ary for a fast ; but on the 5th, to their great joy, the ship 
Lyon, Capt. Pierce, one of tlie last year's fleet, returned, 
laden with provisions from England, which were distribu- 
ted according to the necessities of the people. They 
turned their fast into a thanksgiving." 

Of the sufl'erings and privations of those times, another 
account says, These poor people met with much hard- 
ship, some by fire, as others by water. Some suffered 
much damage by iiie burning of their hay-stacks, left in 
the meadows, to the starving of their cattle ; others by 



burning of their small cottages, either framed or covered 
with very combustible matter, to which they were not 
accustomed in their former dwellings. Many of those 
who were compelled to live long in tents, and lie upon, or 
too near, the cold and moist earth, before they could be 
provided with more convenient dwellings, were seized 
with the scurvy, of which many died about Boston and 

It went much harder whh this poor people, in their 
first beginnings, because of the scarcity of all sorts of grain 
that year in England." Some of the planters who had 
newly come over, suffered much in consequence of being 
unacquainted with the severity of the winters in New 

Richard Garner, a shoemaker of Boston, with one of 
his daughters and four others, contrary to the advice of 
their friends, set out in a shallop on the 24th of December, 
for Plymouth. They had nearly made the point called 
Gurnet's Nose, when they were met by a strong north- 
west wind, which put them by the mouth of the harbor, 
and drove them out to sea. The boat took in much water, 
which froze so hard that they could not free her. They 
now despaired of deliverance, and disposed themselves to 
die. But one of the company espying land, they made 
shift to hoist up part of their sail, by which means they 
reached the shore. Some now got on land ; but others 
were so frozen into the ice that it was found necessary to 
cut them out. Having all come on shore, they kindled a 
fire ; but being destitute of a hatchet, they could get but 
little wood. They passed the night, which was extremely 
cold, in the open air. In the morning, two of their num- 
ber set out for Plymouth, supposing it to be not more than 
seven or eight miles distant, whereas it was nearly fifty 
By the way, they met with two Indian squaws, who, re 
turning home, told their husbands that they had met two 
Englishmen. Concluding that they had been shipwrecked, 
the Indians went after them, brought them back to their 
wigwam, and entertained them kindly. T^he next day one 
went with them on their way to Plymouth, while the 
other went in search of those who were left on the shore. 
Having found and rendered them all the assistance he 



could, he went back to his wigwam, the distance of seven 
miles, got a hatchet, returned, built them a shelter, and 
provided them wood. They had become so weak and 
frozen that they could not help themselves. Garner died 
about two days after they came on shore. The Indian 
cut a hole in the ground about a foot and a half deep, 
with his hatchet, laid in the corpse, and placed over it a 
large pile. of wood, to keep it from the wolves. Three 
men, whom the governor of Plymouth had sent to their 
assistance, by this time arrived. The boat was driven so 
'far up on the shore, that they concluded it could not be 
got off without further assistance. Accordingly, the In- 
dian returned to Plymouth, and obtained three other men. 
But before they arrived, they found means to launch the 
boat, and with a fair southerly wind, arrived at Plymouth, 
where another of their number died. The two who set 
out on foot also died. One of them expired on the way, 
and the other was so much frozen that he did not long 
survive. The girl escaped with the least, injury. The 
other who survived was long under the surgeon's care. 

Rev. Pi-oger Williams, who, with several of his friends, 
left Salem in the winter of 1636, and went to the south 
towards Narragansett Bay, says, in a letter written thirty- 
five years afterwards, " I was sorely tossed for fourteen 
weeks, in a bitter winter season, not knowing what bread 
or bed did mean^ 

" Gov. Winthrop and some of his associates went over 
in February, 1633, to inspect Castle Island, in the harbor 
of Boston, (which was then uninhabited,) and were detained 
there near two days and a night by the ice, without a shel- 
ter, and with nothing to eat but muscles." 

" Such numbers were constantly emigrating to New 
England, that the people at Dorchester, Watertown and 
Newtown began to be much straitened by the accession 
of new planters. By those who had been to Connecticut, 
they had received intelligence of the excellent meadows 
upon the river : they therefore determined to remove, and 
once more brave the dangers and hardships of n">aking 
settlements in a dreary wilderness." 

" On the 15th of October, 1635, about sixty men, women, 
and children, with their horses, cattle, and swine, com- 




menced their journey, through the wilderness, to Connecti- 
QUt River. After a tedious and difficult journey, through 
swamps and rivers, over mountains and rough ground, 
which were passed with great difficulty and fatigue, they 
arrived safely at the places of their respective destination. 
They were so long on their journey, and so much time 
was spent in passing the river, and in getting over their 
cattle, that, after all their exertions, winter came upon 
them before they were prepared. This was an occasion 
of great distress and damage to the plantation. 

"The w^inter set in this year much sooner than usual, 
and the weather was stormy and severe. By the 15th of 
November, Connecticut River was frozen over, and the 
snow was so deep, and the season so tempestuous, that a 
considerable number of the cattle could not be brought 
across the river. The people had so little time to prepare 
their huts and houses, and to erect sheds and shelters for 
their cattle, that the sufferings of man and beast were 
extreme. Indeed, the hardships and distresses of the first 
planters of Connecticut scarcely admit of a description. 
To carry much provision or furniture through a pathless 
wilderness was impracticable. Their principal provisions 
and household furniture were, therefore, put on board 
several small vessels, which, by reason of delays and the 
tempestuousness of the season, were either cast away or 
did not arrive. Several vessels were wrecked on the 
coasts of New England, by the violence of the storms. 
Two shallops laden with goods, from Boston to Connecti- 
cut, in October, were cast away on Brown's Island, near 
Gurnet's Nose, and the men, with every thing on board, 
were lost. A vessel, with six of the Connecticut people 
on board, which sailed from the river for Boston, in No- 
vember, was cast away in Manamet Bay. The men got 
on shore, and, after wandering ten days in deep snow and 
a severe season, without meeting with any human being, 
arrived, nearly spent with cold and fatigue, at Plymouth. 

"By the last of November, or beginning of December, 
provisions generally failed in the settlements on the river, 
and famine and death looked the inhabitants sternly in the 
face. Some of them, driven by hunger, attempted their 
way, in this severe season, through the wilderness from 



Connecticut to Massachusetts. Of thirteen, in one com- 
pany, who made this attempt, one, in passing a river, fell 
through the ice, and was drowned. The other twelve 
were ten days on their journey, and would have perished 
had it not been for the assistance of the Indians. Indeed, 
such was the distress in general, that, by the 3d and 4th 
of December, a considerable part of the new settlers were 
obliged to abandon their habitations. Seventy persons, 
men, women, and children, were necessitated, in the 
extremity of winter, to go down to the mouth of the river, 
to meet their provisions, as the only expedient to preserve 
their lives. Not meeting with the vessels they expected, 
they all went on board the Rebecca, a vessel of about 
sixty tons. This, two days before, was frozen in twenty 
miles up the river; but by the falling of a small rain and 
the influence of the tide, the ice became so broken and 
was so far removed, that she made shift to get out. She 
ran, however, upon the bar, and the people were forced 
to unlade her, to get her off. She was reladen, and in 
five days reached Boston. Had it not been for these 
providential circumstances, the people must have perished 
with famine, 

"The people who kept their stations on the river suf- 
fered in an extreme degree. After all the help they were 
able to obtain, by hunting and from the Indians, they were 
obliged to subsist on acorns, malt and grains. Numbers 
of the cattle, which could not be got over the river before 
winter, lived through without any thing but what they 
found in the woods and meadows. They wintered as well, 
or better, than those which were brought over. However, 
a great number of cattle perished. The Dorchester or 
Windsor people lost, in this single article, about two hun- 
dred pounds sterling. 

"It is difficult to describe, or even to conceive, the ap- 
prehensions and distresses of a people, in the circumstan- 
ces of our venerable ancestors, during this doleful winter. 
All the horrors of a dreary wilderness spread themselves 
around them. They were encompassed with numerous, 
fierce and cruel tribes of wild, savage men, who could 
have swallowed up parents and children at pleasure, in 
their feeble and distressed condition. They had neither 



[chap. III. 

bread for themselves nor children ; neither habitations nor 
clothing convenient for them. Whatever emergency might 
happen, they were cut oft^, both by land and water, from 
any succor or retreat. This was once the condition of 
those fair opulent towns on Connecticut River. 

"About the beginning of June, 163G, Mr. Hooker, Mr. 
Stone, and about a hundred men, women and children, 
took their departure from Cambridge, and travelled more 
than a hundred miles through a hideous and trackless 
wilderness, to Hartford. They had no guide but their 
compass ; made their way over mountains, through swamps^ 
thickets, and rivers, which were passed only with great 
difficulty. They had no covering but the heavens, nor 
any lodging but those which simple nature afforded. They 
drove with them a hundred and sixty head of cattle, and 
by the way subsisted on the milk of their cows. Mrs. 
Hooker was borne through the wilderness on a litter 
The people generally carried their packs, arms, and some 
utensils. They were nearly a fortnight on their journey. 

"This adventure was the more remarkable, as many of 
this company were persons of figure, who had lived in 
England in honor, affluence and delicacy, and were entire 
strangers to such fatigue and danger." 

These, then, were the hardships, privations and suffer- 
ings of our forefathers. Should we not frequently look 
back upon them, and learn contentment with our happier 
lot? Should we not often reflect how widely our condition 
differs from theirs ? We are not called to make the cold 
ground our bed, while the heavens over our head are our 
only covering. Our flesh does not waste away through 
want of sufficient food to sustain nature. We do not, for 
lack of bread, feed on acorns or muscles. Heaven grants 
us many, very many comforts which were denied our 

And if privileges should be valued according to the 
expense at which they were procured, what estimate ought 
we to place upon the civil and religious advantages handed 
down to us through the privations and sufferings of those 
who first braved the toils and dangers of the wilderness 
of New England ? Can we find it in our heart to treat 
these privileges as of little worth ? Shall we not do what 



in us lies, to have them descend to posterity unadulterated 
and unimpaired? And when we consider the happy re- 
sults of the noble example of our fathers, we are con^ 
strained to ask, What will not diligence^ fortitudCf perse- 
verance and prayer accomplish ? 



When the first company left England, as has been 
mentioned, it was their intention to settle about Hudson 
River. But the master of the ship having been bribed by 
the Dutch, who were about commencing a settlement on 
that river, to carry them farther north, he brought them on 
to the coast of New England. Their enemies meant this 
for evil; but the Lord evidently intended it for good. For 
about the Hudson River the Indians were numerous and 
powerful ; whereas, on that part of the coast of New 
England where our fathers first landed, they were few in 
number, having some years before been visited with a 
pestilence which had swept the greater part of them from 
the face of the earth. It is stated that at Patuxet, where- 
Plymouth now stands, " all the inhabitants died ; that 
there was neither man, woman, nor child remaining." 

"All writers agree that a few years before the English 
came to New Plymouth, a mortal contagious distemper 
swept away great numbers of Indians, so that some tribes 
were in a manner extinct; the Massachusetts, particularly, 
are said by some to have been reduced from thirty thou- 
sand to three hundred fighting men. The small pox 
proving since so fatal to Indians, caused some to suppose 
that to have been the distemper ; but the Indians them- 
selves always gave a very different account, and, by their 
description, it was a pestilential putrid fever." 

The Lord dealt mercifully with the first settlers of 
Plymouth by rendering the weather less severe than in 



some later years; for "had the month of December, 1620, 
been as inclement as December, J 831 and 1834, when 
our harbors and shores were an expanse of ice and snow, 
and the thermometer several degrees below zero, those 
whom we honor as our fathers and mothers must have 
fallen a sacrifice to the climate, and the story of the great 
enterprise of these bold spirits been lost in oblivion, or 
preserved only in uncertain tradition." 

On the IGth of March, great surprise was excited by 
the sudden appearance of an Indian, who came boldly 
into the street of Plymouth, calling out — " Welcome En- 
glishman 1" " Welcome Englishman !" His name was 
Samoset, a sagamore, or chief, from Monhiggin, (Maine,) 
who, by his intercourse with the fishermen on the eastern 
coast, had learned some broken English. This was the 
first savage with whom the people of Plymouth gained an 
interview. This incident was deeply fraught with mercy. 
It cheered the spirits of the disconsolate in their solitary 
and afiiicted condition. Samoset told them that the place 
where they were settled was called by the Indians Patuxet; 
that all the inhabitants died of an extraordinary plague 
about four years since. They treated him with the best 
their stores afforded. He remained until the next day, 
when he returned to a neighboring tribe, from which he 
came last. " On his departure, the English gave him a 
knife, a bracelet, and a ring, and he promised to return 
soon, and bring other natives with him, with such beaver 
skins as they could collect." 

He returned on the following Sabbath, and brought 
with him five other savages, with some tools which the 
English had left in the woods, where they had been at 
work, and which had been taken and carried off by the 
Indians. They left their bows and arrows at a distance 
from the settlement, and, when they came in, made signs 
of amity. They brought some skins to trade ; but it being 
Lord's day, the English refused to barter, and soon dis- 
missed them, requesting them to come again. Samoset 
remained until the next Wednesday, when they sent him 
to learn the reason why his friends did not return. 

*' Samoset, treated with hospitality by these strangers, 
was disposed to preserve an intercourse with them ; and. 



on his third visit, was accompanied by Squanto, one of the 
natives, who had been carried oflf by Hunt in 1614, and 
afterwards lived in England. They informed the English 
that Massasoit, the greatest king of the neighboring In- 
dians, was near, with his brother and a number of his 
people ; and within an hour he appeared on the top of a 
hill over against the English town, with a train of sixty 

"Mutual distrust prevented for some time any advance 
from either side. Squanto at length being sent by Massa- 
soit, brough'^. back word that the English should send one 
of tiieir number to parley with him. Mr. Edward Win- 
slow was accordingly sent. Two knives, and a copper 
chain, with a jewel in it, were sent to Massasoit at the 
same time ; and to his brother a knife, and a jewel, a 
quantity of biscuit, and some butter, all which articles 
were gladly accepted. Mr. Winslow, the messenger, in a 
speech to Massasoit, signified that king James saluted 
him with words of love and peace, and that the English 
governor desired to see him, and to truck with him, and 
to confirm a peace with him, as his next neighbor. The 
Indian king heard his speech with attention and approba- 
tion. After partaking of the provision which made part 
of the English present, and imparting the rest to his com- 
pany, he looked on Mr. Winslow's sword and armor, with 
an intimation of his desire to buy it, but found him un- 
willing to part with it. At the close of the interview, 
Massasoit, leaving Mr, Winslow in the custody of his 
brother, went over the brook, which separated him from 
the English, with a train of twenty men, whose bows and 
arrows were left behind. He was met at the brook by 
Capt. Standish and Mr. Williamson, with six musketeers, 
who conducted him to a house then in building, v/here 
were placed a green rug and three or four cushions. The 
governor now advanced, attended with a drum and trum- 
pet, and a few musketeers. After mutual salutations, 
the governor called for refreshments, which the Indian 
king partook himself, and imparted to his followers. A 
league of friendship was then agreed on, and it was in- 
violably observed above fifty years." 

After the league with Massasoit, Corbitant, one of his 



[chap. IV. 

petty sachems, becoming discontented, meditated to join 
the Narragansetts,who were inimical to the English ; and 
he was now at Namasket, attempting to alienate the sub- 
jects of Massasoit from their king, Squanto and Hobo- 
mack, two faithful friends of the English, going at this 
time to Namasket, to make observations, were threatened 
with death by Corbitant, who seized and detained Squanto, 
but Hobomack made his escape. To counteract the 
hostile machinations of Corbitant, and to liberate Squanto, 
the governor, with the advice of the company, sent Miles 
Standish and fourteen men, with Hobomack for their 
guide, to Namasket, On their arrival, the Indians of 
Corbitant's faction fled. The desio-n of the English ex- 
pedition was explained to the natives of the place, with 
menaces of revenge in case of insurrection against Massa- 
soit, or of violence to any of his subjects. 
''This resolute enterprise struck such terror into the 
neighboring Indians, that their chiefs came in and solicited 
the friendship of the English. On the 13th of September^ 
nine sachems voluntarily came to Plymouth, and subscribed 
an instrument of submission to king James. It was pe- 
culiarly happy for the colony that it had secured the friend- 
ship of Massasoit, for his influence was very extensive. 
He was reverenced and regarded by all the natives from 
the bay of Narragansett to that of Massachusetts. The 
submission of the nine sachems is ascribed to their mutual 
connection with this sovereign, as its primary cause. Other 
princes under him made also a similar submission, among 
whom are mentioned those of Pamet, Nauset, Cummaquid, 
and Namasket, with several others about the bays of Pa- 
tuxet and Massachusetts." 

In the submission of these chiefs to this little colony- 
diminished by death, and wasted by sickness — is strikingly 
manifested the power and goodness of Him who has the 
hearts of all in his hand, and who turneth them as the 
rivers of water are turned. 

"On the 11th of November, Robert Cushman arrived 
at Plymouth in a ship from England, with thirty-five per- 
sons, destined to remain in the colony. By this arrival 
the Plymouth colonists received a charter, procured for 
them by the adventurers in London, who had been origi- 



nally concerned with them in the enterprise ; and they now 
acknowledged the extraordinary blessing of heaven in 
directing their course into this part of the country, where 
they had happily obtained permission to possess and enjoy 
the territory under the authority of the president and 
council for the affairs of New England." 

The Lord manifested his peculiar regard for this poor 
people by rendering them contented and thankful in their 

The Mayflower, having remained at Plymouth until 
spring, sailed for England on the 5th of April ; but not 
one of the colony expressed a desire to return to their 
native country. 

It is said of Elder Brewster, that " with the most sub- 
missive patience he bore the novel and trying hardships 
to which his old age was subjected, lived abstemiously, 
and, after having been in his youth the companion of 
ministers of state, the representative of his sovereign, 
familiar with the magnificence of courts, and the possessor 
of a fortune sufficient not only for the comforts but the 
elegances of life, this humble puritan labored steadily 
with his own hands in the fields for daily subsistence. 
Destitute of meat, of fish, and of bread, over his simple 
meal of clams would he return thanks to the Lord that 
he could suck of the abundance of the seas, and of trea- 
sures hid in the sand." 

The sentiments of one of their number are thus ex- 
pressed: " I take notice of it as a great favor of God, not 
only to preserve my life, but to give me contentedness in 
our straits ; insomuch that I do not remember that ever I 
did wish in my heart that I had never come into this 
country, or wish myself back again to my father's house." 

" By the time our corn is planted," says Bradford, "our 
victuals are spent, not knowing at night where to have a 
bit in the morning, and have neither bread nor corn for 
three or four months together ; yet bear our wants with 
cheerfulness, and rest on Providence.^' 

In the spring of 1623, Massasoit fell sick, and sent 
intelligence of it to the governor, who immediately sent 
Mr. Winslow and Mr. John Hamden, to pay him a visit. 
They carried with them presents, and some cordials for 



his relief. Their visit and presents were very consolatory 
to the venerable chief, and were the means of his recovery. 

In return for their kindness, he informed them of a 
dangerous conspiracy among the neighboring Indians, the 
object of which was the total extirpation of the English. 
By means of this timely discovery, and the consequent 
spirited exertions of the governor, whose wise plans were 
executed by the brave Capt. Standish, the colony was once 
more saved from destruction." 

A severe drought prevailing in the summer of 1623, 
the governor set apart a day of fasting and prayer. In so 
extraordinary a manner did the Lord appear for them by 
granting copious and gentle showers of rain, that they, in 
acknowledgment of his special kindness, observed a day 
of public thanksgiving. 

*' The first patent of Plymouth had been taken out in * 
the name of John Pierce, in trust for the company of 
adventurers ; but when he saw the promising state of their 
settlement, and the favor which their success had ob- 
tained for them with the council for New England, he, 
without their knowledge, but in their name, procured an- 
other patent, of larger extent, intending to keep it for his 
own benefit, and hold the adventurers as his tenants, to 
sue and be sued at his courts. In pursuance of this de- 
sign, he, in the autumn of 1622, and beginning of 1623, 
made repeated attempts to send a ship to New England, 
but it was forced back by storms. In the last attempt, 
the mariners, about the middle of February, were obliged, 
in a terrible storm, to cut away the main mast, and return 
to Portsmouth. Pierce was then on board, with one hun- 
dred and nine souls. After these successive losses, he 
was prevailed on by the company of adventurers to assign 
to them for five hundred pounds the patent, which had 
cost him but fifty. Another ship was hired to transport 
the passengers and goods, and it arrived at Plymouth in 
July. Soon after, arrived a new vessel of forty-four tons, 
which the company had built, to remain in the country ; 
both brought supplies for the plantation, and about fifty 

"Among these passengers were divers worthy and use- 
ful men, who were come to seek the welfare of this little 



In the month of May, 1630, another company of the 
Leyden people, through the kind providence of God, ar- 
rived at Plymouth. They were about sixty in number. 
Thus, after a separation of nearly ten years, tliese weary 
pilgrims were permitted again to meet. This event must 
have greatly refreshed their spirits, and occasioned many 
thanksgivings to God. 

" In 1639, at the termination of the Pequod war, Massa- 
soit brought his son Mooanam to Plymouth, and desired 
that the league which he had formerly made might be re- 
newed, and made inviolable. The sachem and his son 
voluntarily promised, for themselves and their successors, 
that they would not needlessly nor unjustly raise any 
quarrels, or do any wrong to any other natives, to provoke 
them to a war against the colony, and that they would not 
give, sell, or convey any of their lands, territories or pos- 
sessions whatever, to any person or persons whatsoever, 
without the privy consent of the government of Plymouth, 
other than to such as the said government should send or 
appoint. The whole court did then ratify and confirm the 
aforesaid league and promise, to the said Massasoit, 
his son and successors, that they would defend them 
against all such as should unjustly rise up against them, to 
wrong or oppress them." 

The colonies of New England were peculiarly favored 
of the Lord in their riders. Magistracy is of divine ap- 
pointment. " The powers that be are ordained of God 
and "he putteth down one and setteth up another" at his 
pleasure. Those who had the management of the public 
affairs of the colonies were men of singular integrity 
and ability. When were men ever placed in authority 
who were more worthy the confidence of the people, than 
the first governors of the colonies of New England ? 
What men ever answered better to David's description of 
a good ruler — " He that ruleth over men must be just, 
ruling in the fear of Godi" 

The kind hand of the Lord was manifested in supplying 
the 'people with the means of subsistence. Capt. Clap, 
one of the first settlers of Dorchester, gives the following 
account : " O, the hunger that many suffered, and saw no 
hope in the eye of reason to be supplied, only by clams, 



and mus'cles, and fish ! We did qu-ickly build boats, and 
some went a fishing; but bread was with many a scarce 
thing, ?indjlesh of all kinds as scarce. And in those days, 
in our straits, though I cannot say God sent a raven to 
feed vs as he did the prophet Elijah, yet this I can say, to 
the praise of God's glory, that he sent not only poor 
ravenous Indians, who came with their baskets of corn on 
their backs to trade with us, which was a good supply 
unto many, but also sent ships from Holland and from 
Ireland with provisions, and Indian corn from Virginia, to 
supply the wants of his dear servants in this wilderness, 
both for food and raiment. And when the people's wants 
were great, not only in one town but divers towns, such 
was the godly wisdom, care and prudence (not selfishness 
but self-denial) of our governor Winthrop and his assist- 
ants, that when a ship came laden with provisions, they 
did order that the whole cargo should be bought for a 
general stock ; and so accordingly it was, and distribution 
Avas made to every town and to every person in each town, 
as every man had need. Thus God was pleased to care 
for his people in times of straits, and to fill his servants 
with food and gladness. Then did all the servants of God 
bless his holy name, and love one another with a pure 
heart fervently." 

Mr. Edward Johnson, who settled at Woburn, says, In 
the absence of bread, they feasted themselves with fish; 
the women once a day, as the tide gave way, resorted to 
the muscles and clam banks, where they daily gathered 
food for their families, with much heavenly discourse of 
the provisions Christ made for the many thousands of his 
followers in the wilderness. Said one. My husband hath 
travelled as far as Plymouth, which is near forty miles, 
and hath with great toil brought a little corn home with 
him, and before that is spent the Lord will assuredly pro- 
vide. Said the other, Our last peck of meal is now in the 
oven at home a baking, and many of our godly neighbors 
have quite spent all, and we owe one loaf of that little 
we have. Then said a third. My husband hath ven'tured 
himself among the Indians for corn, and can get none . 
and our honored governor hath distributed his so fiir, that 
a day or two more will put an end to his store. And yet 



methinks that our children are as cheerful, fat, and lusty 
with feeding upon muscles, clams, and other fish, as they 
were in England with their fill of bread ; which makes uie 
cheerful in the provision the Lord makes for us : being 
further confirmed by the exhortation of our pastor to 
trust the Lord with providing for us, whose is the earth 
and the fulness thereof. As they were encouraging one 
another in the provision Christ had made, and still would 
make, they lifted up their eyes and saw two ships coming 
in. Presently news came to them that they were from 
Ireland, and that they were laden with provision. And 
now their poor hearts were not so much refreshed in regard 
to the food they saw they were lik§ to have, as in the 
thought that Christ should thus manifest himself in their 
behalf. After this manner did Christ many times gra- 
ciously provide for his people, even at the last cast. 
"The chief corn they planted before they had ploughs 
was Indian grain, the increase of which is very much 
beyond all other, to the great refreshing of the poor ser- 
vants of Christ in their low beginnings. 
" The admirable providence of the Lord is to be noted, 
in that, during these years of scarcity, he visited that 
small quantity of land they planted, with seasonable 
showers, and that many times, to the great admiration of 
the Indians. The extreme parching heat of the sun began 
to scorch the herbs and fruits, which were the chief means 
of their subsistence ; they, beholding the hand of the 
Lord stretched out against them, like tender-hearted chil- 
dren, fell down on their knees, begging mercy of the Lord 
for their Savior's sake, urging this as a chief argument, 
that the malignant adversary would rejoice in their de- 
struction, and blaspheme the pure ordinances of Christ, 
trampling down his commands; and in uttering these 
words, their eyes dropped down with many tears, their 
feelings being so strong that they could not refrain in the 
church assembly. Here admire and be strong in the 
grace of Christ, all you that hopefully belong to him ; for 
as they poured out tears before the Lord, so at that very 
time the Lord showered down rain on their gardens and 
fields, which with great industry they had planted, and had 
not the Lord caused it to rain speedily, their hope of food 



had been lost. These poor servants of Christ were now 
so much affected that the Lord should be so nigh unto 
them, in that they called upon him for, that as the drops 
of heaven fell thicker and faster, so the tears fell from 
their eyes, by reason of the sudden mixture of joy and 
sorrow; they being unable to decide which mercy was the 
greatest, to have a humble beggmg heart given them of 
God, or to have their request so suddenly answered. 

"The Indians hearing of this, and seeing the sweet rain 
that fell, were much taken with the Englishman's God. 
These people now arose from their knees to receive the 
rich mercies of Christ, in the refreshed fruits of the earth. 

"And behold ships ulso arrive, filled with fresh forces, 
for furthering the wonderful work of Christ. And indeed 
this year came in many precious ones, whom Christ by 
his grace hath made much use of in his churches, and in 
the commonwealth. 

"This poor people having tasted thus liberally of the sal- 
vation of the Lord, they deemed it high time to take the 
cup of thanksgiving and pay their vows to the Most High. 
They accordingly set apart the 16th of October, 1633, as 
a day of thanksgiving. This day was solemnly observed 
by all the seven churches." 

Surely the Lord exercises a particular providence over 
the affairs of men ; and his dealings with those who deny 
themselves, venture and suffer with a desire to promote his 
glory and the interests of his kingdom, differ widely from 
his treatment of those who shun the cross, and live unto 
themselves. With these things before his mind, who would 
not have a place among the true people of God ? Who 
would not share in the peculiar kindness of Him who 
gave us being? of Him who will never leave the objects 
of his affection ; who will follow them with a father's 
heart, and a father's kindness, to the end of life, yea, 
more, to all eternity 7 Happy, surely, is the person who 
is in such a case. 





One prominent feature in the character of our fore- 
fathers was, they were W£n of prayer. In every emergen- 
cy, the " mercy seat" was their first and last resort. 

" I hear the pilgrim's peaceful prayer, 
Swelling along the silent air, 
Amid the forest wild." 

Their expectation was from God alone. They hung help- 
less on the arm of the Lord, and poured out their fervent, 
believing desires into his bosom. Nor did they plead in 
vain. They had power with God, Eternity alone will 
fully disclose the influence of their supplications. 

Answers to prayer do not generally come with ohscrvor 
tion. They are often sent in a way which is hid from most 
persons, and frequently even from those who receive them. 
There are, however, instances in which answers to prayer 
are so striking and visible as to be obvious to all. A few 
cases of this kind are found in the early history of New 

In the summer of 1623, the people of Plymouth were 
visited with a severe and distressing drought. From about 
the middle of May to the middle of July, the rain was en- 
tirely withheld, the ground became exceedingly dry, and 
the corn greatly parched and dried up ; so that famine, with 
its attendant evils, seemed inevitable. In their extremity 
they repaired to Him who had so often appeared for them 
in the dark hour of affliction. A day of fasting and prayer 
was appointed ; they met and continued their fervent sup- 
plications for eight or nine hours, without cessation. Du- 
ring the former part of the day the sky was cloudless, and 
the sun poured its clear and scorching rays upon the sur- 
rounding fields ; but before night the heavens were over- 
cast, and soon the rain fell in gentle^ refreshing showers, 
which continued, at intervals, for fourteen days. The na- 
tives were struck with amazement at the sight, and could 
not but acknowledge that the blessing came in answer to 
prayer. One of them, named Hobomack, exclaimed, 



[chap, r. 

" Now I see that the Englishman's God is a good God, for 
he has heard you, and sent you rain, and that without storms 
and tempests, which we usually have with our rain, which 
breaks down our corn ; but yours stands whole and good 
still ; surely your God is a good God." 

So visible was the good hand of the Lord to the colony, 
in affording this seasonable rain, and in sending them a 
supply of provisions from England, that, at a convenient 
time, they observed a day of public thanksgiving and 

In the summer of 1638, there was a very great drought 
all over the country, little or no rain having fallen for about 
six weeks, so that the corn generally began to wither, and 
there was great fear that the crop would be wholly cut off. 
Whereupon, the general court of Massachusetts conferred 
with the elders, and agreed upon a day of humiliation and 
prayer, to be held about a week after. While the court 
and elders were together, they conferred upon such things 
as were amiss which provoked the Most High to come out 
in judgment against the people, and agreed to acquaint the 
churches therewith, that they might be stirred up to re- 
pentance and reformation. Within a week after the day 
of humiliation and prayer was past, such a quantity of rain 
fell, that the corn revived, and the people were cheered 
with the prospect of a very plentiful harvest. 

"An Indian of superior rank, on Martha's Vineyard, 
and his wife, having buried their first five children succes- 
sively, each of them within ten days of their birth, not- 
withstanding all their use of powwows and medicines to 
preserve them, had a sixth child, a son, born about the year 
1638, which was a few years before the English settled on 
the island. The mother was greatly distressed with the 
fear that she should lose this child also ; and utterly de- 
spairing of help from the means she had formerly tried 
without success, as soon as she was able, (which, among 
the Indians, is within less than ten days,) with a sorrowful 
heart she took up her child, and went out into the field, 
that she might there give vent to her feelings in flowing 
tears. While she was here, musing on the insufficiency 
of all human aid, she felt it powerfully suggested to her 
mind, that there is one Almighty God who is to be prayed 


to ; that this God created every thing we see ; and that 
the Being who had given existence to herself, and to all 
other people, and who had given her this child, could ea- 
sily continue the life of the child. 

"This poor blind pagan now resolved that she would seek 
unto this God for the life of her child, which she did ac- 
cordingly. Her child lived; and her faith (such as it was) 
in Him who answered her prayer, was greatly strengthened. 
In view of the goodness and mercy she had received, she 
was led to dedicate this child to the service of the Being 
who had preserved his life, and resolved to educate him, as 
far as she could, to become the servant of the Most High. 

*'Not long after this, the English came and settled on 
Martha's Vineyard, and the Indians who had been present 
at some of their meetings, reported that they assembled 
together frequently, and that the man who spoke among 
them, often looked upward. From this report, this woman 
concluded that they assembled for prayer, and that their 
prayers were addressed to the very same God to whom she 
had prayed for the life of her child. She was confirmed 
in this opinion, when, not long after, Mr. Mayhew came 
and preached the gospel to the Indians on the island ; 
which gospel she readily and heartily embraced. On her 
admission to the church, she stated her experience in pub- 
lic, when she gave an account of the preparation for the 
knowledge of Christ, wherewith God in this wonderful 
manner had favored her. And what adds to the interest 
of this wonderful story is, that this very child, whose name 
is Japhet, has become an eminent preacher of Christ to 
the Indians. He is living at this time (1696) a very pious 
man and a laborious minister, and not only pastor of an 
Indian church on Martha's Vineyard, consisting of some 
scores of regenerate souls, but has taken pains to preach 
the gospel to the Indians on the main land, and his labors 
have been attended with wonderful success." 

In 1637, the people of Connecticut were exposed to the 
most imminent danger from the Pequot Indians, who 
were now destroying the lives and property of the colo- 
nists, attempting to raise the numerous Indian tribes of the 
country against them, and threatened the utter ruin of the 
whole colony. The inhabitants were in a feeble state, and 



few in number. They wanted all their number at home, 
to prosecute the necessary business of the plantations. 
They had not a sufficiency of provisions for themselves; 
there would, therefore, be the greatest difficulty in furnish- 
ing a small army with provisions abroad. They could 
neither hunt, fish, nor cultivate their fields, nor travel at 
home or abroad, but at the peril of their lives. They 
were obliged to keep a constant watch by night and day ; 
to go armed to their daily labors, and to public worship; 
to keep a guard at their houses of worship on the Lord's 
day, and at other seasons, whenever they convened for the 
worship of God. They lay down and rose up in fear and 
danger. If they should raise a party of men and send 
them to fight the enemy on their own ground, it would 
render the settlements proportionably weak at home, in 
case of an assault from the enemy. Every thing appeared 
dark and threatening. But nothing could discourage men 
who had an unshaken confidence in the divine govern- 
ment, and were determined to sacrifice every other consi- 
deration, for the enjoyment of the uncorrupted gospel, and 
the propagation of religion and liberty in America. 

"In this important crisis, a court was summoned at Hart- 
ford, on Monday, the 1st of May. On mature delibera- 
tion, considering that the Pequots had killed nearly thirty 
of the English; that they had tortured and insulted their 
captives in the most horrible manner ; that they were at- 
tempting to engage all the Indians to unite for the purpose 
of extirpating the English ; and the danger the whole colo- 
ny was in, unless some capital blow could be immediately 
given their enemies, they determined that an oflfensivewar 
should be carried on against them, by the three towns of 
Windsor, Hartford, and Weathersfield. They voted that 
ninety men should be raised forthwith. 

"On Wednesday, the 10th of May, the troops fell down 
the river, for the fort at Saybrook. They consisted of 90 
Enalishmen and about 70 Moheiran and river Indians. 
The Indians were commanded by Uncas, sachem of the 
Mohegans. The whole was commanded by Capt. John 
Mason, who had been bred a soldier in the old countries. 
The Rev. Mr. Stone of Hartford went their chaplain. On 
Monday, the 15th, the troops arrived at Saybrook fort. 

CHAP, v.] 



"The army lay wkid-bound until Friday, and Capt. Ma- 
son and his officers were entirely divided in opinion with 
respect to the manner of prosecuting their enterprise. The 
court, by the commission and instructions which it had 
given, enjoined the landing the men at Pequot harbor, and 
that from thence they should advance upon the enemy. 
The captain was for passing by them, and sailing to the 
Narragansett country. His officers and men, in general, 
were for attending their instructions, and going, at all ha- 
zards, directly to the forts. In this division of opinion, 
Mr. Stone Avas desired by the officers most importunately 
to pray for them that their way might be directed, and 
that, notwithstanding the present embarrassment, the en- 
terprise might be crowned with success. Mr Stone spent 
most of Thursday night in prayer^ and the next morning 
visiting Capt. Mason, assured him that he had done as he 
was desired ; adding, that he was entirely satisfied with 
his plan. The council was again called, and, upon a full 
view of the reasons, unanimously agreed to proceed to 

This enterprise, on the success of which the very exist- 
ence of Connecticut, under Providence, depended, was 
prosperous almost beyond example. The English gained 
a complete victory ; and, with the loss of only two men, " in 
about three weeks from the time they embarked at Hart- 
ford, they returned again to their respective habitations. 
They were received with the greatest exultation. As the 
people had been greatly affected with the danger, and full 
of anxiety for their friends, while nearly half the effective 
men in the colony were in service upon so hazardous an 
enterprise, so sudden a change, in the great victory ob- 
tained, and in the safe return of so many of their sons 
and neighbors, filled them with exceeding joy and thank- 
fulness. Every family, and every worshipping assembly, 
spake the language of praise and thanksgiving. 
" Several circumstances attending this enterprise, were 
much noticed by the soldiers themselves, and especially by 
all the pious people. It was considered very providential, 
that the army should march nearly forty miles, and a con- 
siderable part of it in the enemy's country, and not be dis- 
covered until the moment they were ready to commence 



[chap V 

the attack. The life of Capt. Mason was very signally pre- 
served. As he entered a wigwam for fire to burn the fort, 
an Indian was drawing an arrow to the very head, and 
would have killed him instantly ; but Davis, one of his 
sergeants, cut the bow-string with his cutlass, and prevent- 
ed the fatal shot. Lieut. Bull received an arrow into a 
hard piece of cheese, which he had in his clothes, and 
so escaped uninjured. Two soldiers, John Dyer andTho 
mas Stiles, were shot in the knots of their neckcloths, and 
by them preserved from instant death." 

" Blessings," says Dwight, " have in many instances 
been given, after fervent prayers have ascended to God, 
when none but God could have contributed to their exist- 
ence; when they were utterly unattainable by any human 
efforts, and after all hope of obtaining them, except by 
prayer, had vanished. 

" I am bound, as an inhabitant of New England, solemn 
]y to declare, that, were there no other instances to be 
found in any other country, the blessings communica- 
ted to this, would furnish ample satisfaction concerning 
this subject, to every sober, much more to every pious 
man. Among these, the destruction of the French arma- 
ment under the Duke DWnville, in the year 1746, ought 
to be remembered with gratitude and admiration by every 
inhabitant of this country. This fleet consisted of 40 ships 
of war ; was destined for the destruction of Nciv England ; 
was of sufficient force to render that destruction, in the 
ordinary progress of things, certain ; sailed from Chebuc. 
to, in Nova Scotia, for this purpose ; and was entirely de- 
stroyed, on the night following a general fast throughout 
New England, by a terrible tempest. Impious men, who 
regard not the zcork of the Lord, nor the operation of 
his hands, and who, for that reason, are finally destroyed, 
may refuse to give God the glory of this most merciful 
interposition. But our ancestors had, and it is to be hoped 
their descendants ever will have, both piety and good sense 
sufficient to ascribe to Jehovah the greatness, and the power ^ 
and the victory, and the majesty ; and to bless the Lord God 
of Israel forever and ever.'' 

And have we the same encouragement to present our 
supplications before the Lord that our fathers had? Most 




assuredly. " His pov/er and grace are still the same." 
The Lord's hand is not shortened, that it cannot save ; 
neither his ear heavy, that he cannot hear. Do any say 
that they are sinful and unworthy ? So were our fathers. 
They felt, and confessed themselves to be so. But they 
did not, on this account, neglect to call on the name of the 
Lord. Neither did the Lord turn away their prayer or 
his mercy from them. Nor will he now shut up his bow- 
els of compassion against the humble suppliant. Does 
any reader of these pages doubt that it is in the heart of 
God to hear his penitent and believing supplications ? Let 
such an one make the experiment. Let him offer his fer- 
vent prayers to God, and persevere in the duty, and then 
decide. Nothing short of a trial, in any matter, can deter- 
mine the event. 



<Jn the 15th of August, 1635, New England was visited 
by a tremendous storm, or hurricane. It is thus described 
by Morton. " It began in the morning, a little before day, 
and grew not by degrees, but came with great violence in 
the beginning, to the great amazement of many. It blew 
down sundry houses, and uncovered divers others ; divers 
vessels were lost at sea, and many more were in extreme 
danger. It caused the sea to swell in some places to the 
southward of Plymouth, so that it rose to twenty feet right 
up and down, and made many of the Indians to climb into 
trees for their safety. It threw down all the corn to the 
ground, so that it never rose more, the which, through the 
mercy of God, it being near harvest time, was not lost, 
though much the worse. Had the wind continued without 
shifting, in likelihood it would have drowned some part of 
the country. It blew down many hundred thousands of 



trees, turning up the stronger by the roots, and breaking 
the high pine-trees, and such like, in the midst ; and the 
tall young oaks and walnut-trees, of good bigness, were 
twisted as a withe by it, — very strange and fearful to be- 
hold. It began in the south-east, and veered sundry ways, 
but the greatest force of it, at Plymouth, was from the for- 
mer quarter ; it continued not in extremity above five or 
six hours, before the violence of it began to abate ; the 
marks of it will remain for many years, in those parts 
where it was sorest." 


Several earthquakes are noticed in the early history of 
New England. The first, which was on the 1st day of 
June, 1638, is spoken of by Trumbull as a great and 
memorable earthquake." His description of it is the fol- 
lowing. " It came with a report like continued thunder, 
or the rattling of numerous coaches upon a paved street. 
The shock was so great, that in many places the tops of 
chimneys were thrown down, and the pewter fell from 
the shelves. It shook the waters and ships in the har- 
bors, and all the adjacent islands. The duration of the 
sound and tremor was about four minutes. The earth 
at turns was unquiet for nearly twenty days. The wea- 
ther was clear, the wind westerly, and the course of the 
earthquake from west to east." 

The next earthquake of any considerable violence, of 
which a particular account is left on record, was on the 
29th of October, 1727. It is thus described by Hutchin- 
son. About 40 minutes after 10 at night, when there 
was a serene sky, and calm but sharp air, a most amazing 
noise was heard, like to the roaring of a chimney when on 
fire, as some said, only beyond comparison greater ; others 
compared it to the noise of coaches on pavements, and 
thought that of ten thousand together would not have ex- 
ceeded it. The noise was judged by some to continue 
about half a minute before the shock began, which in- 
creased gradually, and was thought to have continued the 
space of a minute before it was at the height, and, in about 
half a minute more, to have been at an end by a gradual 



decrease. The noise and shock of this, and all earth- 
quakes which preceded it in New England, were observed 
to come from the west, or north-west, and go olf to the 
east, or south-east. At Newbury, and other towns on the 
Merrimack River, the shock was greater than in any other 
part of Massachusetts, but no buildings were thrown down. 
Part of the walls of several cellars fell in, and the tops of 
many chimneys were shaken off. At New York, it seems 
to have been equal to what it was in Massachusetts ; but at 
Philadelphia it was very sensibly weaker, and, in the colo- 
nies southward, it grew less and less, until it had spent it- 
self, or become insensible. The seamen on the coast sup- 
posed their vessels to have struck upon a shoal of loose 
ballast* There was a general apprehension of danger of 
destruction and death, and many who had very little sense 
of religion before, appeared to be very serious and devout 
penitents ; but, too generally, as the fears of another earth- 
quake went off, the religious impressions went with them, 
and they, who had been subjects of both, returned to their 
former course of life." 

Rev. Mr. Gookin, of Hampton, N. H., gives the follow- 
ing account of the same earthquake. 

"The shake was very hard, and was attended with a 
terrible noise, something like thunder. The houses trem- 
bled as if they were falling ; divers chimneys were cracked, 
and some had their tops broken off. It was especially so 
in the south parish, where the hardest shake seemed to be 
on the hill, where the house of God stands. Three hou- 
ses on that hill had their chimneys broken, one of which 
was the house of Rev. Mr. Whipple. When the shake 
was beginning, some persons observed a flash of light run- 
ning on the earth : the flame seemed to them to be of a 
blueish color. These flashes, no doubt, broke out of the 
earth ; otherwise, it is probable they would have been seen 
more generally, especially by those who were abroad. The 
sea was observed to roar in an unusual manner. The 
earth broke open, and cast up a very fine blueish sand. At 
the place of the eruption, there now (above two months 
after) continually issue out considerable quantities of 
water. A spring of water which had run freely for 
fourscore years, and was never known to freeze, was sunk 



[chap. VT. 

by the earthquake, and froze afterwards like any standing 

*' There were divers other shocks in the same night; yea, 
the sound was heard, and sometimes the shake felt, every 
day for a fortnight after. 

" It is hard to express the consternation that fell, both on 
men and beasts, in the time of the great shock. The brute 
creatures ran roaring about the fields, as if in the greatest 
distress. And mankind were as much surprised as they, 
and some with very great terror ; so that they might say, 
Fcarfulmss and terror hath come upon me, and horror hath, 
overwhelmed me. All of us saw the necessity of looking 
to God for his favor and protection ; and I would hope 
that many did, not only look to God in that time of their 
distress, but did truly and heartily return to him. Many 
are now asking the way to Zion with their faces thither- 
ward. They say. Come, and let us join ourselves to the 
Lord in a perpetual covenant, not to be forgotten, ma- 
king a credible profession of faith and repentance. This 
is the happy effect which, by the grace of God, the earth- 
quake has had upon some among us." 

This earthquake, as felt at Boston, is thus described by 
Prentice. On the night after the Lord's day, October 
29, 1727, about forty minutes past ten, in a calm and se- 
rene hour, the town of Boston was on a sudden extremely 
surprised with the most violent shock of an earthquake 
that has been known among us. It came on with a loud, hol- 
low noise, like the roaring of a great fired chimney, but in- 
comparably more fierce and terrible. In about half a minute 
the earth began to heave and tremble ; the shock increasing, 
rose to its height in about a minute more, when the movea- 
bles, and doors, windows, walls, especially in the upper cham- 
bers, made a fearful clattering, and the houses rocked and 
cracked as if they were all dissolving and falling to pieces. 
The people asleep were awakened with the greatest asto- 
nishment ; many others affrighted, ran into the streets for 
safety. But the shaking quickly abated, and in another 
half minute it entirely ceased. Some damage was done to 
the more brittle sort of moveables, and some bricks on the 
tops of some chimneys fell ; but not a house was broken, 
nor a creature hurt. At several times until daylight ^ were 




heard some distant rumblings, and some fainter shocks 
were felt." 

On the 18th of November, 1755, New England was 
again visited with an earthquake. Of this, Dr. Holmes 
gives the following account. " It began at Boston a little 
a^*er four o'clock, in a serene and pleasant night, and con- 
tinued nearly four and a half minutes. In Boston, about 
one hundred chimneys were in a manner levelled with the 
roofs of the houses, and above fifteen hundred shattered 
and thrown down in part. In some places, especially on 
the low, loose ground, made by encroachments on the har- 
bor, the streets were almost covered with the bricks that 
had fallen. The ends of about twelve or fifteen brick 
buildings were thrown down from the top to the eaves of 
the houses. Many clocks were stopped. The vane of the 
market house \vs.s thrown down. A new vane of one of 
the churches was bent at the spindle two or three points 
of the compass. At New Haven, the ground, in many 
places, seemed to rise like the waves of the sea; the houses 
shook, and cracked, as if they were just ready to fall, and 
many tops of chimneys w'ere thrown down. The motion 
of this earthquake was undulatory. Its course was nearly 
from north-west to south-east. Its extent was from Chesa- 
peake Bay south-west, to Halifax north-east, about eight 
hundred miles ; but from north-west to south-east, it reached 
at least one thousand miles, and perhaps many more." 

The following is an account of the same earthquake, 
communicated by a gentleman residing in Boston, in a let- 
ter to a friend. " It was first introduced with a noise like 
several coaches rattling over the pavements, or rather like 
a noise of many cart-loads of paving stones thrown down 
together. I was sensible it came from the north-west, 
and that side of my house felt concussion. The first mo- 
tion was a strong pulsation, which threw my house up- 
wards; immediately after, a tremor succeeded, which in 
half a minute abated a little, but then instantly a quick vi- 
hration, with sudden jerks, followed ; and this, by my best 
observation, held nearly a minute, before the second abate- 
ment, which went off gradually, in about half a minute 
more, so that the whole duration, from the first pulse to the 
end of the shock, seemed to be about two minutes : the 



[chap. VI. 

greatest force, I apprehend, was about a minute after it be- 
gan, and had that vibration, with those suddai jtrks, con- 
tinued one minute longer, I much question whether one 
house in town had been left standing. The first view I 
took, was at the steeples of the churches, and was glad to 
see them standing; but the spindle and vane of Faneuil 
Hall Market was thrown down. I observed the tops of 
many chimneys demolished, others cracked and much da- 
maged — bricks, tiles, and slates scattered in the streets, and 
large quantities of mortar and rubbish almost every-wher^ 
spread, and several houses suffered by large cracks and 
breaches in their foundation. 

"Upon the first shock of the earthquake, many persons 
jumped out of their beds, and ran immediately into the 
streets, while others sprung to the windows, trembling, 
and seeing their neighbors as it were naked, shrieked with 
the apprrhmsion of its being the day of judgment, and 
some thought they heard the last trumpet sounding, and 
cried out for mercy ; others fainted away with the fright, 
and those of the most composed temper, that were sensi- 
ble of these tremendous shakings, expected instantly to 
be swallowed up and buried in the ruins. In short, chil- 
dren ran screaming to their parents to save them, and the 
hrute creatures loioed and ran to the barns for protection ; 
the dogs howled at their master's door ; the birds fluttered 
in the air with a surprise, and all the animal creation were 
filled with terror, and never was such a scene of distress 
in New England before. In my walk out about sunrise, 
every face looked ghastly, and many persons' knees smote 
one against another, and few were recovered of the great 
fright and surprise they had been put into by this awful 
providence ; and all seemed to expect a repetition of this 
terrible judgment. In fine, some of our solid and pious 
gentlemen had such an awe and gloom spread over their 
countenances, as would have checked the gay airs of the 
most intrepid libertine among us. Such judgments may 
well make us cry out with the Psalmist, My flesh tremblcth 
for fear of thee, and I am afraid of thy judgments," 




" An epidemic disorder," say the Annals of Portsmouth, 
"of a new class, hitherto unknown in the medical schools, 
made its appearance at Kingston in May, 1735. A young 
child was first seized with it, who died in three days. It 
spread rapidly through the country, and proved very mor- 
tal, especially among children, who were more liable to its 
attack than older persons. It baffled the skill of the most 
experienced physicians. Many families were left entirely 
childless. It was not contagious, like the small pox, but, 
from some unknown predisposing cause, would appear in 
subjects at a distance from those who had been previously 
attacked, attended with its wonted virulence. The throat 
was always affected, greatly swollen and inflamed, whence 
it was called the throat distemper; a general debility 
affected the whole system, which soon became putrid. 
Rev. Mr. Fitch published a bill of mortality on the 26th 
of July, for fourteen months preceding; by which it ap- 
pears that ninety-nine persons died within that time in this 
town, of whom eighty-one were children under ten years 
of age." 

Mirick, in his history of Haverhill, Mass., says, " The 
throat distemper, as it is called, made dreadful ravages 
throughout the town. Its victims were principally chil- 
dren, and it is supposed to have swept into the grave 
nearly one fourth of the population under fifteen years of 
age. Almost every house was turned into a habitation of 
mourning, and almost every day had its funeral procession. 
Many arose in the morning, their cheeks glowing with 
health ; and when the sun went down, they were cold and 
silent in the winding-sheet of the dead. Some parents 
lost all of their children. Fifty-eight families lost one 
each; thirty-four families lost two each; eleven families 
lost three each ; five families lost four each, and four 
families lost five each. Only one person died with this 
disease who was over forty years of age. 

" This fatal distemper was attended with a sore throat, 
white or ash-colored specks, efflorescence on the skin, 
great debility of the whole system, and a strong tendency 
to putridity. It first appeared in Kingston, N. H., in 



1735, and in fourteen months, one hundred and thirteen 
persons died." 

Trumbull's account of this distressing calamity is the 
following. " About the year 1734, that dreadful disease, 
called the throat distemper, broke out and spread in the 
country among children and youth. It was attended with 
a sudden and extraordinary mortality. In some towns 
almost all the children were swept away. In some in- 
stances, large families, consisting of eight and nine chil- 
dren, were made entirely desolate. The parents, in a 
short time, attended them all to the grave, and had neither 
son nor daughter left. The country was filled with mourn- 
ing and bitter affliction." 


The colonies, in their early existence, were involved, 
more or less extensively, in six successive wars : namely, 
1, the Pequot war; 2, Philip's war; 3, king William's 
war; 4, queen Anne's war; 5, the three years'^ or Love- 
well's war ; 6, the second French war. 

The first war in which any of the colonies were engaged 
was the Pequot war. The great burden of this war fell 
upon Massachusetts and Connecticut. The scene of ope- 
ration was Connecticut. The Pequots were a powerful 
tribe ; the residence of their chieftains being in what is 
now the town of Groton. Their chief sachem was Sas- 
sacus. They commenced hostilities by killing nearly 
thirty of the English, by torturing those whom they cap- 
tivated in the most horrid manner, and by attempting to 
engage the other tribes to unite with them in extirpating 
the English. In view of these aggressions, the colony 
determined to carry on against them an offensive war. 
The war was of short duration. It commenced in May, 
1637, and closed in September, 1638. It was, however, 
a heavy calamity. Its effects upon the colony are thus 
described by Trumbull. 

" The consequences of the war were, scarcity and debt, 
which, in the low state of the colony, it was exceedingly 
difficult to pay. Almost every article of food or clothing 
was purchased at the dearest rate, and the planters had 



not yet reaped any considerable advantage from their 
farms. Such a proportion of their laborers had been em- 
ployed in the war, and the country was so uncultivated, 
that all the provision that had been raised or imported, 
was in no measure proportionate to the wants of the people. 
The winter was uncommonly severe, which increased the 
distress of the colony. The court in Connecticut, fore- 
seeing that the people would be in great want of bread, 
contracted with Mr. Pynchon for five hundred bushels of 
Indian corn, which he was to purchase of the Indians, 
and a greater quantity, if it could be obtained. A com- 
mittee was also appointed by the court to send a vessel to 
Narragansett, to buy of the natives in that quarter. But 
notwithstanding every precaution, the scarcity became 
such, that corn rose to the extraordinary price of twelve 
shillings a bushel. In this distressful situation, a com- 
mittee was sent to an Indian settlement called Pocontock, 
since Deerfield, where they purchased such quantities, that 
the Indians came down to Windsor and Hartford with fifty 
canoes at one time, laden with corn. The good people 
considered this a great deliverance. Those who, in Eng 
land, had fed on the finest of the wheat, in the beginning 
of the affairs of Connecticut, were thankful for such coarse 
fare as Indian bread for themselves and children." 

Philip's war commenced in June, 167-5. Philip was 
sachem of the Wampanoags, "who occupied the whole 
colony of Plymouth, a part of Massachusetts, the islands 
of Nantucket and Martha's Vineyard, Cape Cod, and a 
part of Rhode Island — Mount Hope being the seat of 
their chieftains." Philip was an ambitious, shrewd, bold 
warrior. He designed the utter extermination of the En- 
glish. In effecting his purpose, he drew most of the tribes 
of Massachusetts and Rhode Island into his plan, and they 
acted as his allies. The northern and eastern Indians 
were by his solicitations induced to join the confederacy. 

Philip commenced hostilities at Swanzey, Mass., where 
he killed several persons. Here the flame of war was 
kindled ; it spread with great rapidity, and for three years 
raged in some one of the colonies. 

This was a sore calamity. Pen cannot describe, nor 
imagination conceive, the evils it brought upon the inhabi- 


[chap. VI. 

tants of New England. "In this predatory war," says 
■ Hoyt, " it is estimated that about six hundred of the in- 
habitants of New England were either killed in battle, or 
otherwise cut off by the enemy ; twelve or thirteen towns 
\ entirely destroyed, and about six hundred buildings, chiefly 
' dwelling-houses, consumed by fire. Rarely was a family 
j to be found, who had not lost some of its members or 
' relations. Dr. Trumbull estimates the loss as much greater. 
"The histories of those times," he observes, "rarely 
mention the barns, stores, and out-houses burned ; and 
sometimes there is notice of the burning of part of a 
town, and of the buildings in that tract, without a specifi- 
cation of the number. All the buildings in Narraganset, 
from Providence to Stonington, a tract of about fifty miles, 
were burned, or otherwise destroyed by the enemy; but 
the number is not mentioned." And he concludes that 
about one fencible man in eleven was killed, and every 
eleventh family burnt out; or, that an eleventh part of the 
whole militia, and of all the buildings of the United Colo 
vies, were swept off by the war." 

King William's war commenced in 1688, and continued, 
with the exception of one or two short intervals, for ten 
years. This war was carried on against the colonies by 
the Indians and the Canadian French. Besides pillaging 
and destroying property, rifling and burning houses, and 
killing the inhabitants, they carried numbers captive to 
Canada, and sold them to the French. Those who were 
carried away suflfered almost incredible hardships, and 
some, unable to endure such privations and sufferings, 
died on the way. Many were redeemed from captivity by 
their friends or by the governor, but not a few returned no 
more. Numerous families were called to bitter mourning 
and deep distress. At seasons, "the people were almost 
dispirited with the prospect of poverty and ruin." 

Queen Anne's war commenced in 1703, and closed in 
1713. The foes with whom the colonies had to contend 
during this contest were the same as in the former war; 
namely, the Indians and Canadian French. The evils 
they suffered were of much the same character. From 
1703 to 1713, the inhabitants were constantly harassed 
with calls for military service; agriculture was conse- 




quently neglected, many people were killed and captured, 
and a heavy public debt incurred. 

The three years', or Lovewell's war, was declared in 
1723, and closed in 1726. " The principal tribes engaged 
in this war were the Penobscots, the Norridgcwocks, St 
Croix, and those of St. Francis and Becancour in Canada ; 
but they received aid from those residing on the St. John's 
and other parts of Nova Scotia, and perhaps from other 
distant tribes ; and as the captives were often carried to 
Montreal, there is little doubt that the Indians in that vi- 
cinity were more or less engaged. The French govern- 
ment did not openly aid the Indians ; but their Jesuits re- 
siding among them, appear to have used their influence in 
keeping up the barbarous incursions." The weight of this 
war fell upon the eastern townships of New Hampshire 
and Massachusetts. 

The second French war grew out of a rupture between 
England and France. It commenced in 1744, and closed 
in 1763. Urged on by French influence, the Indians 
again lifted the tomahawk, and came down upon the set- 
tlements of New England. To encourage them in their 
work of blood and ruin, the French offered them a reward 
for every scalp taken from the head of the English. Such 
a war, of nineteen years' continuance, it is easy to see, must 
have been a calamity indeed. 

Surely, New England was called to bear the yoke in her 
youth ; but as the Lord chastiseth individuals for their be- 
nefit, so hath he dealt with New England. The trials of 
the colonies awakened their sympathies in each others' be- 
half, bound them more strongly together, led them to unite 
in a confederacy which rendered them formidable to their 
enemies, and had a most happy influence upon their pros- 
perity ; and these trials promoted a stability and manliness 
of character which prepared them to assert and achieve 
their independence. The effect of these trials upon indi- 
viduals was most salutary. They rendered them more spi- 
ritual and devoted ; made them more frequent and fervent 
in prayer ; and led them to cast themselves more entirely 
upon Him who has sdXd,Whenthou passest through the wa- 
ters ^ I will be with thee, and through the rivers, they shall 
not overjlow thee. 





In reading the affecting incidents of this chapter, it will 
be of importance to bear in mind that there are several 
things which palliate^ though they by no means excuse, 
the treacherous and savage conduct of the Indians in re- 
lation to the English. These sons of the forest were the 
original owners and masters of the country. They were, 
moreover, impressed with the belief that their lands were 
given them by the Great Spirit ; that they were intended 
for their exclusive benefit, and that none had a right to 
dispossess them. They saw that the English were fast 
increasing in numbers and in power ; that their game was 
killed ; that they should soon be forced to retire from 
their hunting grounds, and from the land of their fathers' 
sepulchres. In addition to this, they had been treated 
with injustice and cruelty by some of the English. Nor 
should it be forgotten that they had been taught from 
their very infancy to regard revenge as a virtue ; that an 
injury offered to themselves, or to a relative, or to any of 
the tribe, was to be returned upon the head of the of- 

" A party of Narragansett Indians, hunting on the bor- 
ders of Dorchester, stopped at the house of Mr. Minot, 
and demanded food and drink. Being refused, they went 
away with evident marks of resentment, and Ohquamme- 
hend, the sachem, swore that he would be revenged. For 
this end, he left in the bushes, near the house, an Indian 
named Chicataubutt, to seize the first opportunity of exe- 
cuting his purpose. The next morning, Mr. and Mrs. 
Minot went, as is supposed, to Boston. The Indian ob- 
served them, and prepared himself for mischief Mr. 
Minot, apprehensive of danger, had given his maid-servant 
a strict charge to confine herself with their two children 
to the house, and to open the door to no person until he 
should return. She obeyed the orders exactly. Soon 
after, she saw Chicataubutt cross the ferry, and proceed 



towards the house. After looking about him with the 
greatest caution, he rushed to the door, and findincr it 
barred, attempted to get in through the window. The 
young woman had placed her master's children under two 
brass kettles, directing them not to stir nor to make the 
least noise, and then loaded a musket belonging to the 
house, and stood upon her defence. The Indian probably 
perceiving her design, fired at her, but missed his mark. 
She then shot him through the shoulder. Still he per- 
sisted in his design ; but as he was entering the window 
she threw a shovel full of live coals into his face, and 
lodged them in his blanket. The pain which they created 
was too great even for a savage to endure. Chicataubutt 
fled, and the next day was found dead in a wood on the 
borders of the town." 

" In 1634, a number of Indians murdered Capt. Stone 
and Capt. Norton, with their whole crew, consisting of 
eight men. They then plundered and sunk the vessel. 
Capt. Stone came into Connecticut River, with a view of 
trading at the Dutch house. After he had entered the 
river, he engaged a number of Indians to pilot two of his 
men up the river, to the Dutch; but night coming on, 
they went to sleep, and were both murdered by their In- 
dian guides. The vessel, at night, was laid up to the 
shore. Twelve of those Indians, who had several times 
before been trading with the captain, apparently in an 
amicable manner, were on board. Watching their oppor- 
tunity, when he was asleep, and several of the crew on 
shore, they murdered him secretly in his cabin, and cast a 
covering over him, to conceal it from his men ; they then 
fell upon them, and soon killed the whole company, except 
Capt. Norton. He had taken the cook room, and for a 
long time made a most brave and resolute defence. That 
he might load and fire with the greatest expedition, he had 
placed powder in an open vessel, just at hand, which, in 
the hurry of the action, took fire, and so burned and 
blinded him that he could make no further resistance. 
Thus, after all his gallantry, he fell with his hapless com- 
panions. Part of the plunder was received by the Pe- 
quots, and another part by the eastern Nehanticks, Sas- 
sacus and Ninigret, the sachems of those Indians, were 



both privy to the affair, and shared in the goods and 
articles taken from the vessel. It was supposed that the 
Indians had preconcerted this massacre." 

"The next year, John Oldham, who had been fairly 
trading at Connecticut, was murdered near Block Island. 
He had with him only two boys and two Narraganset 
Indians. These were taken and carried off. One John 
Gallup, as he was going from Connecticut to Boston, dis- 
covered Mr. Oldham's vessel full of Indians, and he saw 
a canoe, having Indians on board, go from her, laden with 
goods. Suspecting that they had murdered Mr. Oldham, 
he hailed them, but received no answer. Gallup was a 
bold man, and though he had with him but one man and 
two boys, he immediately bore down upon them, and fired 
duck shot so thick among them, that he soon cleared the 
deck. The Indians all got under the hatches. He then 
stood off, and running down upon her quarter with a brisk 
gale, nearly overset her, and so frightened the Indians that 
six of them leaped into the sea and were drowned. He 
then steered off again, and running down upon her a sec- 
ond time, bored her with his anchor, and raked her fore 
and aft with his shot. But the Indians kept themselves so 
close, that he got loose from her, and running down a 
third time upon the vessel, he gave her such a shock that 
five more leaped overboard, and perished as the former 
had done. He then boarded the vessel, and took two of 
the Indians, and bound them. Two or three others, 
armed with swords, in a little room below, could not be 
driven from their retreat. Mr. Oldham's corpse was found 
on board, the head split, and the body mangled in a bar- 
barous manner. In these circumstances, Gallup, fearing 
that the Indians whom he had taken micrht get loose, 
especially if they were kept together, and having no place 
where he could keep them apart, threw one of them over- 
board. Gallup and his men then, as decently as circum- 
stances would permit, put the corpse of Mr. Oldham into 
the sea. The Indians who perpetrated the murder, were 
principally the Block Islanders, with a number of the 
Narragansets, to whom these Indians were at this time 
subject. Several of the Narraganset sachems were in the 
plot, and it was supposed that the Indians whom Oldham 
had with him were in the conspiracy." 



"At Saybrook, about the beginning of October, 1636, 
the Indians, concealing themselves in the high grass in 
the meadows, surprised five of the garrison, as they were 
carrying home their hay. One Butterfield was taken, and 
tortured to death. The rest, made their escape, but one 
of them had five arrows shot into him." 

" Eight or ten days after, Joseph Tilly, a master of a 
small vessel, was captivated by the enemy as he was going 
down Connecticut River. He came to anchor two or 
three miles above the fort, and taking a canoe and one 
man with him, went a fowling. No sooner had he dis- 
charged his piece, than a large number of Pequots arising 
from their concealment, took him, and killed his compan- 
ion. Tilly was a man of great spirit and understanding, 
and determined to show himself a man. The Indians 
used him in the most barbarous manner, first cutting off 
his hands, and then his feet, and. so gradually torturing 
him to death. But as all their cruelties could not extort a 
groan, they pronounced him a stout man. 

" The enemy now kept up a constant watch upon the 
river, and upon the people at Saybrook. A house had 
been erected about two miles from the fort, and six of the 
garrison were sent to keep it. As three of them were 
fowling at a small distance from the house, they were 
suddenly attacked by nearly a hundred Pequots. Two of 
them were taken. The other cut his way through them, 
sword in hand, and made his escape ; but he was wounded 
with two arrows. 

Before winter, the garrison were so pressed by the 
enemy, that they were obliged to keep almost wholly with- 
in the reach of their guns. The Pequots razed all the 
out-houses, burnt the stacks of hay, and destroyed almost 
every thing which was not within the command of the 
fort. The cattle, which belonged to the garrison, were 
killed and wounded. Some of them came home with the 
arrows of the Indians sticking in them. 

" In March, Lieut. Gardiner, who commanded the fort 
at Saybrook, going out with ten or twelve men to burn 
the marshes, was waylaid by a narrow neck of land, and 
as soon as he had passed the narrow part of the neck, the 
enemy rose upon him, and killed three of his men. The 



rest made their escape to the fort, but one of them was 
mortally wounded, so that he died the next day. The 
lieutenant did not escape without a slight wound. The 
enemy pursued them in great numbers to the very fort, 
and compassed it on all sides. They challenged the En- 
glish to come out and fight, and mocked them, in the 
groans, pious invocations, and dying language of their 
friends, whom they had captured, when they were torturing 
them to death. They boasted that they could kill En- 
glishmen * all one flies.' The cannon, loaded with grape 
shot, were fired upon them, and they retired. 

" Some time after, the enemy, in a number of canoes, 
beset a shallop, wliich was going down the river with 
three men on board. The men fought bravely, but were 
overpowered by numbers. One was shot through the 
head with an arrow, and fell overboard ; the other two 
were taken. The Indians ripped them up, the whole 
length of their bodies, and cleft them down their backs ; 
they then hung them up by their necks upon trees, by the 
side of the river, that as the English passed by, they might 
see these miserable objects of their vengeance. 

The Pequots tortured the captives to death in the 
most cruel manner. In some, they cut large gashes in 
the flesh, and then poured embers and live coals into the 
wound. When, in their distress, they groaned, and in a 
pious manner committed their departing spirits to their 
Redeemer, these barbarians would mock and insult them, 
in their dying agonies and prayers." 

" In the month of Klay, 1644, an Indian went boldly into 
the town of Stamford, and made a murderous assault upon 
a woman, in her house. Finding no man at home, he 
took up a lathing hammer, and approached her as though 
he were about to put it into her hand; but, as she was 
stooping down to take her child from the cradle, he struck 
her upon the head. She fell instantly with the blow ; he 
then struck her twice, with the sharp part of the hammer, 
which penetrated her skull. Supposing her to be dead, 
he plundered the house, and made his escape. Soon after, 
the woman so far recovered as to be able to describe the 
Indian and his manner of dress. Her wounds, which at 
first appeared to be mortal, were finally healed ; but her 
brain was so affected that she lost her reason." 



" In order to defend the frontier settlements from the 
Indians in Philip's war, a considerable number of soldiers 
were posted at Hadley, and it became necessary to procure 
provisions and forage for their subsistence. The Indians 
having burnt the principal part of Deerfield, it was aban- 
doned by the inhabitants ; their grain, consisting of about 
three thousand bushels of wheat, remained stacked in the 
fields, having escaped the conflagration. Determined to 
avail himself of this supply, the commanding officer at 
Hadley detached Capt. Lathrop, and his company, with a 
number of teams and drivers, to thrash it, and transport it 
to head-quarters. Having thrashed the grain, and loaded 
his teams, Capt. Lathrop, on the 18th of September, com- 
menced his march for Hadley. * For the distance of 
about three miles, after leaving Deerfield meadow, his 
march lay through a very level country, closely wooded, 
where he was every moment exposed to an attack on either 
flank. At the termination of this distance, near the south 
point of Sugar-loaf Hill, the road approximated Connecti- 
cut River, and the left was in some measure protected. 
At the village now called Muddy Brook, in the southerly 
part of Deerfield, the road crossed a small stream, bordered 
by a narrow morass, from which the village has its name, 
though more appropriately it should be denominated Bloody 
Brook, by which it was sometimes known. Before ar- 
riving at the point of intersection with the brook, the road 
for about half a mile ran parallel with the morass, then, 
crossing, it continued directly to the south point of Sugar- 
loaf Hill, traversing what is now the home lots, on the 
east side of the village. As the morass was thickly cov- 
ered with brush, the place of crossing afforded a favorable 
point of surprise. On discovering Lathrop's march, a body 
of upwards of seven hundred Indians planted themselves 
in ambuscade at this point, and lay eagerly waiting to 
pounce upon him while passing the morass. Without 
scouring the woods in his front and flanks, or suspecting 
the snare laid for him, Lathrop arrived at the fatal spot, 
crossed the morass with the principal part of his force, 
and probably halted, to allow time for his teams to drag 
through their loads. The critical moment had arrived — 
the Indians instantly poured a heavy and destructive fire 



upon the column, and rushed forward to close attack. 
Confusion and dismay succeeded. The troops broke and 
scattered, fiercely pursued by the Indians, whose great 
superiority of numbers enabled them to attack at all points. 
Hopeless was the situation of the scattered troops, and 
they resolved to sell their lives in a vigorous struggle. 
Covering themselves with trees, the bloody conflict now 
became a severe trial of skill in sharp shooting, in which 
life was the stake. Diflicult would it be to describe the 
havock, barbarity, and misery that ensued ; * fury raged, 
and shuddering pity quit the sanguine field,' wliile despe- 
ration stood pitted, at fearful odds, to unrelenting ferocity. 
The dead, the dying, the wounded, strewed the ground in 
all directions, and Lathrop's devoted force was soon re 
duced to a small number, and resistance became faint 
At length, the unequal struggle terminated in the annihila 
tion of nearly the whole of the English ; only seven or 
eight escaped from the bloody scene, to relate the dismal 
tale; and the wounded were indiscriminately butchered. 
Capt. Lathrop fell in the early part of the action. The 
whole loss, including teamsters, amounted to ninety ' " 
This was in the year 1675. 

" During the term of about forty years, the Indians in 
the vicinity of Springfield had lived in the greatest har- 
mony with the English, and still made the strongest pro- 
fessions of friendship ; yet, about this time, they conspired 
with Philip's warriors for the destruction of the town. At 
the distance of about a mile from it, they had a fort. The 
evening before they made their assault, they received into 
it about three hundred of Philip's warriors. The same 
evening, one Toto, a Windsor Indian, discovered the plot, 
and despatches were immediately sent off from Windsor 
to Springfield, and to Major Treat, who lay at Westfield 
with the Connecticut troops, to apprise them of their 
danger. But the people of Springfield were so strongly 
persuaded of the friendship of the Indians, that they 
would not credit the report. One Lieut. Cooper, who 
commanded there, was so infatuated, that, as soon as the 
morning appeared, instead of collecting his men and pre- 
paring for the defence of the town, he, with another bold 
man, rode out with a design to go to the fort, and discover 



how the matter was. He soon met the enemy, who killed 
his companion by his side, and shot several balls through 
his body. As he was a man of great strength and cour- 
age, he kept his horse, though mortally wounded, until he 
reached the first garrisoned house, and gave the alarm. 
The enemy immediately commenced a furious attack upon 
the town, and began to set fire to the buildings. The 
inhabitants were in the utmost consternation. They had 
none to command them, and must have soon all fallen a 
bloody sacrifice to a merciless foe, had not Major Treat 
appeared for their relief. Upon receiving intelligence of 
the designs of the enemy, he marched, without loss of 
time ; but meeting with considerable hindrance in crossing 
the river, for want of boats, his arrival was not in such 
season as to prevent the attack. He soon drove off the 
enemy, saved the inhabitants and a considerable part of the 
town. Great damage, however, was done in a very short 
time. Thirty dwelling-houses, besides barns and out- 
houses, were burned." 

"On the 26th of March, 1676, a number of people from 
Longmeadow, being on their way to attend public worship 
in Springfield, escorted by a party of cavalry, were at- 
tacked, and two killed, and several wounded. As the 
attack was made from the woods bordering the road, the 
escort afforded little protection; two women, with their 
children, falling from their horses during the confusion, 
were seized by the Indians, and dragged into a swamp in 
the vicinity. In the mean time, the people in the van 
were safely convoyed to Springfield by the cavalry, who 
returned expeditiously to the place of attack, but the 
Indians had retired into the woods. The next day, the 
captured women and children were found in the margin 
of the swamp, badly wounded by Indian hatchets, some 
of whom died after being conveyed to their places of 

During Philip's war, the Indians made an attack upon 
Hadley. Some accounts say that the assault was on the 
1st of September, 1675, and others that it was on the 
12th of June, 1676. Dwight's account of the attack is 
the following : 

"In the course of Philip's war, which involved almost 



all the Indian tribes in New England, and among others 
those in the neighborhood of this town, the inhabitants 
thought proper to observe the 1st of September, 1675, as a 
day of fasting and prayer. While they were in the church, 
and employed in their worship, they were surprised by a 
band of savages. The people instantly betook themselves 
to their arms, which, according to the custom of the 
times, they had carried with them to the church; and, 
rushing out of the house, attacked their invaders. The 
panic, under which they began the conflict, was, however, 
so great, and their number was so disproportioned to that 
of their enemies, that they fought doubtfully at first, and 
in a short time began evidently to give way. At this 
moment, an ancient man with hoary locks, of a most vene- 
rable and dignified aspect, and in a dress widely differing 
from that of the inhabitants, appeared suddenly at their 
head, and with a firm voice, and an example of undaunted 
resolution, reanimated their spirits, led them again to the 
conflict, and totally routed the savages. When the battle 
was ended, the stranger disappeared, and no person knew 
whence he had come, or whither he had gone. The relief 
was so timely, so unexpected, and so providential ; the 
appearance, and the retreat of him who furnished it, were 
so unaccountable ; his person was so dignified and com- 
manding, his resolution so superior, and his interference 
so decisive, that the inhabitants, without any uncom- 
mon exercise of credulity, readily believed him to be an 
angel, sent by heaven for their preservation. Nor was 
this opinion seriously controverted, until it was discovered, 
several years afterward, that Goffe and Whalley had been 
lodged in the house of Mr. Russell. Then it was known 
that their deliverer was Goffe." 

In the month of July, 1675, Capt. Fuller and Lieut. 
Church, with a party from Plymouth, went on to Pocasset 
Neck, in pursuit of the Indians. Their object was, ei- 
ther to conclude a peace with them, if they would con- 
tinue friends, or to fight them if they should declare 
themselves enemies and join with Philip. After they 
had spent the day and most of the night, in traversing the 
neck, and had made no discovery of any Indians, they 
divided their company ; Capt. Fuller going down towards 



the sea-side, while Capt. Church (for so he may well be 
styled after this time) marched further into the neck, 
thinking if there were any Indians there, they should find 
them about a field of pease, not far off. When they came 
near the field, Church espied two Indians among the 
pease, who at the same time espied him, and making a 
kind of shout, a great number of Indians came about the 
field, who pursued Church and his men to the sea-side 
There were not above fifteen of the English, while the 
Indians were seven or eight scores in number. Now was 
a fit time for this young captain and his small company to 
show their valor. Although some of these fifteen had 
scarce courage enough for themselves, yet their captain 
had enough for himself, and some to spare for his friends, 
which he now had an opportunity of proving to the full. 
When he saw the hearts of any of his followers begin to 
fail, he would bid them be of good courage, and fight 
stoutly, and (possibly by some divine impression on his 
heart) assured them that not a bullet of the enemy should 
hurt any one of them, which one of the company, more 
dismayed than the rest, could hardly believe, till he saw 
the proof of it in his own person ; for the captain, per- 
ceiving that the man was unable to fight, made him gather 
stones together, for a kind of shelter or barricado for the 
rest. It chanced, as this faint-hearted soldier had a flat 
stone in his arms, and was carrying it to the shelter he 
was making upon the bank, that a bullet of the enemy 
was thus warded from his iDody, by which he must else 
nave perished. This experience put new life into him, 
so that he followed his business very manfully afterward. 
Behind this shelter they defended themselves all that 
afternoon, not one being either slain or wounded ; yet it 
was certainly known that they killed at least fifteen of the 
Indians. At length, when they had spent all their ammu- 
nition, and their guns became unserviceable by frequent 
firing, they were all brought off in a sloop, and carried 
safely to Rhode Island. But such was the boldness and 
undaunted courage of Capt. Church, that, not willing to 
leave any token behind of their flying for want of cour- 
age, he went back in the face of his enemies, to get his 
hat, which he had left at a spring, whither the extreme 



heat of the weather, and his labor in fighting, had caused 
him to repair to quench his thirst, an hour or two before." 

In the summer of 1675, the Nipmucks, a tribe of 
Indians residing about twenty miles south-east of Brook- 
field, made an assault upon that place. This tribe, united 
with others, had murdered several persons, but had de- 
clared their willingness to renew their frieiulship by enter- 
ing into conditions of peace. The time was set, and 
Capt. Hutchinson and Capt. Wheeler, with a company of 
horse and some of the citizens of Brookfield, went to 
meet the Indians at the time appointed. Having arrived 
at the spot, and discovering no Indians, they concluded to 
go on to their chief town, not suspecting the least danger. 
*' They had not rode above four or five miles, when they 
fell into an ambush of two or three hundred Indians, laid 
in such a narrow passage, between a steep hill on the one 
hand, and an hideous swamp on the other, that it was 
scarcely possible for any of them to escape. Eight of 
them were shot down tupon the spot, and three were mor- 
tally wounded, of whom Capt. Hutchinson was oiie 
Capt. Wheeler was near losing his life. His horse was 
shot down under him, and himself shot through the body, 
so that he had no hope of escaping. But his son, who 
(by God's good Providence) was near him, with great 
nimbleness and agility, (though his own arm was broken 
by a bullet,) dismounted himself and speedily mounted his 
father upon his own horse, himself getting upon another, 
whose master was killed, by which means they both es- 
caped, and were afterwards cured. It was with much 
difficulty that those who were left alive reached Brook- 
field, which, most likely, they never had done, as the 
common road was waylaid with Indians, had it not been 
for one who was well acquainted with the wood, who led 
them in a by-path. By this means they arrived a little 
before the Indians, who soon came flocking into the town, 
with a fuL purpose to destroy it with fire and sword. But 
the inhabitants were all collected in the principal house in 
the village, before the Indians came upon them. They 
immediately set fire to all the dwelling-houses, excepting 
the one in which the people were collected. This they 
several times attempted to burn, but were defeated in their 



purpose by the special Providence of God. For when 
they had continued the assault for two days and nights, 
keeping up an incessant fire, and thrusting poles with fire- 
brands, and rags, dipped in brimstone, tied to the ends of 
them, to fire the house, they filled a cart with hemp and 
flax, and other combustible matter, and after setting it on 
fire, thrust it back against the house, with poles spliced 
together to a great length. But as soon as it had begun 
to kindle, a shower of rain unexpectedly fell. But for 
this kind interposition of Providence, all who were in the 
house (about seventy persons) would either have been 
consumed by merciless flames, or have fallen into the 
hands of the savages, who, like wolves, stood yelling and 
gaping for their prey." 

" Before the savages were able to renew their attempts, 
a body of men from Groton and Lancaster, commanded 
by Major Willard, came to their relief As they were 
approaching the town, the cattle, belonging to the inhab- 
itants, terrified by the noise and conflagration, gathered 
around the company, and moved with them, as if expect- 
ing protection from them, towards the ruins of Brookfield. 
The savages mistook the whole train for soldiers ; and 
having hastily set fire to the few remaining buildings, fled 
with precipitation. 

" Their buildings being thus destroyed, the inhabitants, 
by order of the government, removed to other settlements, 
and the town for several years was entirely deserted. A 
small company at length returned, and were gradually 
joined by others. They were not, however, suffered to 
rest in peace. These inroads were frequently repeated, 
and a considerable number of persons destroyed. To the 
survivors, the circumstances in which they were placed, 
rendered their lives, always hanging in suspense, until the 
year 1711, almost like a continual death. The alarm of 
invasion haunted them by day, and the war-whoop broke 
their sleep in the night. It was not until the year 1717, 
(forty-four years after the town was incorporated,) that 
they were so far re-assembled as to be able to settle a 

On the eighteenth of April, 1676, the Indians attacked 
Sudbury, and burned several buildings; the alarm having 



[chap. vir. 

reached Concord, a party pushed rapidly fioin that place 
for the relief of their neighbors, and arriving at a meadow 
near a garrisoned house, they fell into an ambuscade, and 
were all slain. By repairing to a fortified house, the peo- 
ple of the town escaped the grasp of the enemy, who, 
finding no strong force approaching to relieve the place, 
remained in the neighboring woods, ready for further 
depredations. Capt. Wadsworth, with fifty men, joined 
by Capt. Broclebank, and a few volunteers from Rowley, 
were at this time marching for the protection of Marlbor- 
ough, and learning that the Indians were in the woods 
about Sudbury, he changed his route towards that place. 
About a mile from the town he discovered a party of 
Indians, as he supposed of about one hundred, who were 
retiring into the neighboring woods. Wadsworth imme- 
diately, though very incautiously, commenced a pursuit, 
and was drawn about a mile into the forest, without ap- 
prehending he was running into a fatal snare laid for him; 
of a sudden, five hundred Indians surrounded him, and 
immediately commenced a fierce attack. Wadsworth and 
his men determined to sell their lives dearly ; they fought 
some time with great obstinacy, and gained an eminence, 
but all was of no avail against such a numerical superi- 
ority. According to some accounts, a small number 
escaped ; but it is more generally stated that they sold 
their lives even to the last man, and the Indians are sup- 
posed to have sustained a considerable loss." 

In the month of September, 1675, a " party of savages 
attacked a house in Berwick, a town in Maine, on the 
border of New Hampshire, in which were fifteen women 
and children. A girl of eighteen, discovering their ap- 
proach, shut the door and stood against it, till the Indians 
cut it in pieces with their hatchets, and on entering, 
knocked her down, and left her for dead. W^hile thin 
was doing, the rest of the women and children fled, and 
all arrived safely at another fortified house, excepting two 
children, who, being unable to get over a fence, were 
overtaken and slain. The adventurous girl who thus 
saved the lives of thirteen persons, recovered of her 
wounds ; but we must regret that her name has not been 



In the following month an assault was made on Frost's 
garrison, who, though he had only three boys with him, 
kept up a constant fire, and called aloud as if he were 
commanding a body of men, to march here, and fire there. 
The stratagem succeeded, and the house was saved." 

" In August, 167G, the Indians surprised the house of 
Mr. Hammond, an ancient trader at Kennebec, and from 
thence crossed over to Arowsick Island, where there was 
a large house, with, what was there esteemed, a strong 
fort built round it, belonging to Major Clark and Capt. 
Lake, two merchants of Boston, who owned the island 
and a great part of the main land near to it. The Indians 
hid themselves in the night under the walls of the fort. 
When the centinel left his station at day-light, some of the 
Indians followed him in at the fort gate ; whilst the r^st 
ran to the port holes, and shot down every person they 
saw. Capt. Lake, finding the Indians had possessed them- 
selves of the fort, escaped, with Capt. Davis and two 
others, at the back door, to the water side, intending to 
pass to another island near to Arowsick. Capt. Lake was 
killed just as he landed. His bones were, after some 
time, found and brought to Boston. Davis was wounded, 
but made his escape, as did the other two. At these two 
houses, fifty-three English were killed and taken. The 
news of this stroke broke up all the plantations at and 
near Kennebec, the inhabitants transporting themselves 
to Piscataqua and Boston, or some other place for se- 

In that part of the town of Dover which lies about 
the first falls in the river Cocheco, were five garrisoned 
houses; three on the north side, viz, Waldron's, Otis', 
and Heard's ; and two on the south side, viz. Peter Cof- 
fin's and his son's. These houses were surrounded with 
timber walls, the gates of which, as well as the house 
doors, were secured with bolts and bars. The neighboring 
families retired to these houses by night; but by an unac- 
countable negligence, no watch was kept. The Indians, 
who were daily passing through the town, visiting and 
trading with the inhabitants, as usual in time of peace, 
viewed their situation with an attentive eye. Some hints 
of a mischievous design had been given out by their 



squaws, but in such dark and ambiguous terms, that no 
one could comprehend their meaning. Some of the peo- 
ple were uneasy ; but Waldron, who, from a long course 
of experience, was intimately acquainted with the Indians, 
and on other occasions had been ready enough to suspect 
them, was now so thoroughly secure, that when some of 
the people hinted their fears to him, he merrily bade them 
to go and plant their pumpkins, saying that he would tell 
them when the Indians would break out. The very even- 
ing before the mischief was done, being told by a young 
man that the town was full of Indians, and the people 
were much concerned, he answered that he knew the 
Indians very well, and there was no danger. 

The plan which the Indians had preconcerted was, that 
two squaws should go to each of the garrisoned houses in 
the evening, and ask leave to lodge by the fire ; that in 
the night, when the people were asleep, they should open 
the doors and gates, and give the signal by a whistle ; upon 
which the strange Indians, who were to be within hearing, 
should rush in, and take their long-meditated revenge. 
This plan, being ripe for execution, on the evening of 
Thursday, the 27th of June, 1689, two squaws applied to 
each of the garrisons for lodgings, as they frequently did 
in time of peace. They were admitted into all but the 
younger Coffin's, and the people, at their request, showed 
them how to open the doors, in case they should have oc- 
casion to go out in the night. Mesandowit, one of the 
chiefs, went to Waldron's garrison, and was kindly enter- 
tained, as he had often been before. The squaws told the 
major, that a number of Indians were coming to trade 
with him the next day, and Mesandowit, while at supper, 
with his usual familiarity said, * Brother Waldron, what 
would you do, if the strange Indians should come V The 
major carelessly answered, that he could assemble a hun- 
dred men, by lifting up his finger. In this unsuspecting 
confidence, the family retired to rest. 

" When all was quiet, the gates were opened, and the 
signal given. The Indians entered, set a guard at the 
door, and rushed into the major's apartment, which was 
an inner room. Awakened by the noise, he jumped out 
of bed, and though now advanced in life to the age of 



eighty years, he retained so much vigor as to drive them 
with his sword through two or three doors ; but as he was 
returning for his other arms, they came behind him, stun- 
ned him with a hatchet, drew him into his hall, and seating 
him in an elbow chair, on a long table, insultingly asked him, 
* Who shall judge Indians now ?' They then obliged the 
people in the house to get them some victuals ; and when 
they had done eating, they cut the major across the breast 
and belly with knives, each one with a stroke saying, * I 
cross out my account.' They then cut off his nose and 
ears, forcing them into his mouth ; and when spent with the 
loss of blood, he was falling down from the table, one of 
them held his own sword under him, which put an end to 
his misery. They also killed his son-in-law, Abraham Lee; 
but took his daughter Lee, with several others, and having 
pillaged the house, left it on fire. Otis' garrison, which 
was next. to this, met with the same fate; he was killed, 
with several others, and his wife and child were captivated. 
Heard's was saved by the barking of a dog, just as the In- 
dians were entering: Elder Wentworth, who was awa- 
kened by the noise, pushed them out, and falling on his 
back, set his feet against the gate, and held it till he had 
alarmed the people ; two balls were fired through it, but 
both missed him. Coffin's house was surprised ; but as the 
Indians had no particular enmity to him, they spared his 
life, and the lives of his family, and contented themselves 
with pillaging the house. Finding a bag of money, they 
made him throw it, by handfuls, on the floor, while they 
amused themselves by scrambling for it. They then went 
to the house of his son, who had refused to admit the 
squaws in the evening, and summoned him to surrender, 
promising him quarter. He declined their offer, and deter- 
mined to defend his house, till they brought out his father, 
and threatened to kill him before his eyes : filial affection 
then overcame his resolution, and he surrendered. They 
put both families together into a deserted house, intending 
to reserve them for prisoners ; but while the Indians were 
busy in plundering, they all escaped. 

" Twenty-three people were killed in this surprisal, and 
twenty-nine were captivated ; five or six houses, with the 
mills, were burned ; and so expeditious were the Indians 



in the execution of their plot, that before the people could 
be collected from the other parts of the town to oppose 
them, they fled with their prisoners and booty. 

" Oyster River is a stream which runs into the western 
branch of the Piscataqua ; the settlements were on both 
sides of it, and the houses chiefly near the water. Here 
were twelve garrisoned houses, sufficient for the defence 
of the inhabitants; but apprehending no danger, some 
families remained in their own unfortified houses, and 
those who were in the garrisons were but indifferently 
provided for defence, some being even destitute of powder 
The enemy approached the place undiscovered, and halted 
near the falls, on Tuesday evening, the seventeenth of 
July, 1G94. Here they formed into two divisions, one of 
which was to go on each side of the river, and plant them- 
selves in ambush, in small parties, near every house, so as 
to be ready for the attack at the rising of the sun : the 
first gun to be the signal. John Dean, whose house stood 
by the saw mill at the falls, intending to go from home 
very early, arose before the dawn of day, and was shot as 
he came out of his door. This firing, in part, disconcerted 
their plan ; several parties, who had some distance to go, 
had not then arrived at their stations; the people in gene- 
ral were immediately alarmed. Some of them had time 
to make their escape, and others to prepare for their de- 
fence. The signal being given, the attack began in all 
parts where the enemy was ready. 

" Of the twelve garrisoned houses, five were destroyed, 
viz. Adams', Drew's, Edgerly's, Medar's, and Beard^s. 
They entered Adams' without resistance, where they killed 
fourteen persons; one of them, being a woman with child 
they ripped open. The grave is still to be seen in which 
they were all buried. Drew surrendered his garrison on 
the promise of security, but was murdered when he fell 
into their hands ; one of his children, a boy of nine years 
old, was made to run through a lane of Indians, as a mark 
for them to throw their hatchets at, till they despatched 
him. Edgerly's was evacuated; the people took to their 
boat, and one of them was mortally wounded before they 
got out of reach of the enemy's shot. Beard's and Me- 
dar's were also evacuated, and the people escaped. 



" The defenceless houses were nearly all set on fire, the 
inhabitants being either killed or taken in them, or else 
in endeavoring to fly to the garrisons. Some escaped by 
hiding in the bushes and other secret places. Thomas 
Edgerly, by concealing himself in his cellar, saved his 
house, though twice set on fire. The house of John 
Buss, the minister, was destroyed, with a valuable library. 
He was absent ; his wife and family fled to the woods, 
and escaped. The wife of John Dean, at whom the 
first gun was fired, was taken with her daughter, and 
carried about two miles up the river, where they were left 
under the care of an old Indian, while the others returned 
to their bloody work. The Indian complained of a pain 
in his head, and asked the woman what would be a proper 
remedy ; she answered, Occapee, which is the Indian 
word for rum, of which she knew he had taken a bottle 
from her house. The remedy being agreeable, he took a 
large dose, and fell asleep ; and she took that opportunity 
to make her escape with her child into the woods, and 
kept concealed till they were gone. 

" The other seven garrisons, viz. Burnham's, Bickford's, 
Smith's, Bunker's, Davis', Jones' and Woodman's, were 
resolutely and successfully defended. At Burnham's, the 
gate was left open ; the Indians, ten in number, who were 
appointed to surprise it, were asleep under the bank of 
the river, at the time that the alarm was given. A man 
within, who had been kept awake by the tooth-ache, hear- 
ing the first gun, roused the people and secured the gate, 
just as the Indians, who were awakened by the same noise, 
were entering. Finding themselves disappointed, they ran 
to Pitman's, a defenceless house, and forced the door at 
the moment that he had burst a way through that end of 
the house which was next to the garrison, to which he, 
with his family, taking advantage of the shade of some 
trees, it being moon-light, happily escaped. Still defeat- 
ed, they attacked the house of John Davis, which, after 
some resistance, he surrendered on terms ; but the terms 
were violated, and the whole family either killed or made 
captives. Thomas Bickford preserved his house in a sin- 
gular manner. It was situated on the bank of the river, 
and surrounded with a palisade. Being alarmed before 



the enemy had reached the house, he sent off his family 
in a boat, and then shutting his gate, betook himself alone 
to the defence of his fortress. Despising alike the pro- 
mises and threats by which the Indians would have per- 
suaded him to surrender, he kept up a constant fire at them, 
changing his dress as often as he could, showing himself 
with a different cap, hat, and coat, and sometimes without 
either, and giving directions aloud, as if he had had a 
number of men with him. Finding their attempt vain, 
the enemy withdrew, leaving him sole master of the house 
he had defended with such admirable address. Smith's, 
Bunker's, and Davis's garrisons, being seasonably apprised 
of the danger, were resolutely defended ; one Indian was 
supposed to be killed, and another wounded^ by a shot 
from Davis'. Jones' garrison was beset before day ; Capt. 
Jones, hearing his dogs bark, and imagining wolves might 
be near, went out to secure some swine, and returned 
unmolested. He then went up into the flankart, and sat 
on the wall. Discerning, the flash of a gun, he dropped 
backward ; the ball entered the place from whence he had 
withdrawn his limbs. The enemy, from behind a rock, 
kept firing on the house for some time, and then quitted it. 

" Those parties of the enemy who were on the south 
side of the river, having completed their destructive work, 
collected in a field adjoining to Burnham's garrison, where 
they insultingly showed their prisoners, and derided the 
people, thinking themselves out of the reach of their shot. 
A young man from the sentry box fired at one who was 
making some indecent signs of defiance, and wounded 
him in the heel ; him they placed on a horse, and carried 
away. Both divisions then met at the falls, where they 
had parted the evening before, and proceeded together to 
Capt. Woodman's garrison. The ground being uneven 
they approached without danger, and from behind a hill 
kept up a long and severe fire at the hats and caps which 
the people within held upon sticks above the wall, without 
any other damage than galling the roof of the house. At 
length, apprehending it was time for the people in the 
neighboring settlements to be collected in pursuit of them, 
they finally withdrew, having killed and captivated between 
ninety and a hundred persons, and burned about twenty 



houses, of which five were garrisons. The main body of 
them retreated over Winnipisseogee Lake, where they di- 
vided their prisoners, separating those in particuhir who 
were most intimately connected, in which they often took 
a pleasure suited to their savage nature." 

In September, 1707, one man was killed at Exeter, 
and, two days after, Henry Elkins, at Kingston. But the 
severest blow on the frontiers happened at Oyster River 
a place which suffered more than all the rest. A party Ox 
French Mohawks, painted red, attacked with a hideous 
yell a company who were in the woods, some hewing tim- 
ber, and others driving a team, under the direction of 
Capt. Chesley, who was just returned the second time 
from Port Royal. At the first fire, they killed seven and 
mortally wounded another. Chesley, with the few w^ho 
were left, fired on the enemy with great vigor, and for 
some time checked their ardor ; but, being overpowered, 
he at length fell." 

"In the year 1690, March 18, Berwick, Me., was at- 
tacked by a body of French and Indians, under the com- 
mand of Hertel de Rouville, and Whoop Hood, a sachem 
About thirty of the inhabitants were killed, and more 
than fifty carried into captivity. The invaders were fol- 
lowed and attacked, on theijr retreat, by a body of En- 
glish, consisting of about one hundred and forty men. A 
few were killed on both sides, when night terminated the 
conflict, and enabled the enemy to escape. The English 
were destitute of snow shoes, and therefore unable to pur- 
sue them. 

'* One of the prisoners, named Robert Rogers, a corpu- 
lent man, being loaded with a heavy pack, found it im- 
possible to keep pace with his captors. When he had 
fallen behind them, thinking himself out of their reach, 
he threw down his load, and attempted to make his escape. 
The savages pursued him to a hollow tree, in which he 
endeavored to conceal himself ; and forcing him out, strip- 
ped him, beat him, and pricked him forward on their jour- 
ney until the evening arrived. They then made a feast for 
themselves, and, tying the prisoner to a tree, (his hands be- 
ing fastened behind his back,) sang, shouted, and danced 
around him. When they had sufficiently amused them- 



selves in this manner, they made a great fire near the un- 
fortunate man ; bade him take leave of his friends ; and 
allowed him a momentary respite to offer up his prayers to 
God. After this, they moved the fire forward, and roasted 
him by degrees, and when they found him failing, withdrew 
the fire again to a greater distance. Then they danced 
around him, cut at each turn pieces of flesh from his per- 
ishing frame; laughed at his agonies; and added new 
pangs to this horrible death, by insults and mockeries. 
With a refinement in cruelty not obvious to civilized man, 
they placed the rest of the captives just without the fire, 
that they might be witnesses of the catastrophe. With the 
same spirit, after his death, they seated his body, still bound 
to the tree, on the burning coals, that his friends might, 
at some future time, be racked by the sight." 

" In May, 1G90, an expedition of French and Indians 
was sent against Falmouth, Me. There were at that time 
upon the peninsula, three fortifications besides Fort Loyal. 
One was near the present burying ground ; another was on 
the rocky elevation southerly of the new court-house, al- 
most indefensible; and the third, in a better condition, was 
farther westward, near the water side. The public garri- 
son had been under the command of Capt. Willard, of Sa- 
iem; but on his being ordered abroad, to pursue the enemy, 
he was succeeded by Capt. Sil.vanus Davis, who, it seems, 
had only a small number of regular troops left with him. 

The body of French and Indians, collected to destroy 
this place, was sent under the command of Mr. BurnefTe, 
and consisted of four or five hundred men. The greater 
part of the Frenchmen were from Quebec, under one M. 
De Portneuf; fifty-five men were mustered at Trois Rivi- 
eres, of whom twenty-five were Algonquins and Sokokis; 
and all, it is stated, were met by Hertel on his return, and 
reinforced by part of his men. To these were united an 
unknown number of Indians from the eastward, under Cas- 
tine and Madockawando. The whole were seen passing 
over Casco Bay in a great flotilla of canoes, early in May ; 
and were, it seems, deterred from an immediate attack by 
a knowledge, and possibly a view, of the squadron under 
Commodore Phips, which must have passed these coasts 
toward Nova Scotia, about the same time. 



" Nothing more was heard of the enemy till about the 
10th of the month ; when a bold party approached within 
three or four miles of Fort Loyal, and drove off tweiit} 
cattle, supposed afterwards to be slaughtered for the use of 
the army. The inhabitants conjectured from this circum- 
stance, that the head-quarters of the Indians must be in 
that direction ; and President Danforth ordered Major Frost 
to detach without delay one hundred men from the provin- 
cial militia, to be joined by a party from the garrison ; all 
of whom, under Capt. Willard, were directed to proceed 
in the search and pursuit of the enemy. When they de- 
parted, the command of Fort Loyal was assumed by Capt ' 
Sylvan us Davis, as previously mentioned. 

" Early in the morning of the 16th, one Robert Greason 
going from home at Presumpscot River, was seized by an 
Indian scout, and made a prisoner. This bold arrest in- 
duced the general suspicion that the enemy was watching 
in that quarter for an advantageous surprise of the town. 
To make discoveries, therefore, about thirty young volun- 
teer soldiers, under Lieut. Thaddeus Clark, proceeded from 
the garrison, about half a mile, to an eminence, evidently 
Mountjoy's Hill; and entered a lane which was fenced on 
each side, and led to a block-house in the margin of the 
woods. Observing the state of the cattle in the field, they 
suspected an ambush behind the fence^ and yet all rashly 
ran towards the place, raising the shout. Huzza! huzza! 
But the aim of the cowering spies was too sure and dead- 
ly ; for they brought Clark and thirteen of his comrades 
to the ground at the first shot ; the rest fleeing, upon a se- 
cond charge, to one of the forts. Flushed with this success, 
the French and Indians rushed into town, and beset the 
several fortifications, except Fort Loyal, with great fury. 
All the people, who were unable to make good their re- 
treat within the walls, were slain. After a manly defence 
through the day, the volunteers and inhabitants, finding 
their ammunition nearly exhausted, and despairing of re- 
cruits or supplies, retired, under the covert of darkness, to 
the public garrison. 

''The assailants, next morning, finding the village aban- 
doned, plundered the houses and set them on fire. They 
then proceeded to storm the garrison. Thwarted in this 



attempt, and sustaining considerable loss from the fort 
guns, they entered a deep contiguous gully, too low to be 
reached by the shots of their antagonists, and began the 
work at some distance of undermining the walls. Four 
days and nights they wrought with indefatigable and inces- 
sant exertion, till within a few feet of the fort, when they 
demanded a surrender. 

" It was a crisis trying in the extreme to all within the 
walls. They were exhausted with fatigue and anxiety. 
The greater part of the men were killed or wounded. 
Capt, Lawrence had received a shot which was mortal. All 
thoughts of outward succor or relief were fraught with 
deep despair ; and on the 20th, a parley was commenced, 
which terminated in articles of capitulation. By these it 
was stipulated, that all within the garrison should receive 
kind treatment, and be allowed to go into the nearest pro- 
vincial towns under the protection of a guard: — to the 
faith and observance of which, Castine lifted his hand 
and swore by the everlasting God." The gates were then 
opened, and a scene ensued which shocks humanity. The 
prisoners, who were seventy in number, besides women and 
children, were called heretics, rebels and traitors, the dupes 
of a Dutch usurper, and treated with every insult and abuse. 
No part of the articles was regarded. Capt. Davis, who 
was one of the prisoners, says, " The French suffered our 
women and children, and especially the wounded men, to 
be cruelly murdered, or destroyed after the surrender ; and 
the rest, being three or four with himself, took up a march 
of twenty-four days to duebec. The whole number of 
prisoners, including some taken in the vicinity, was about 
a hundred. Capt. Willard and his men had not returned. 
The fortifications were all laid waste, and the dead bodies 
of the inhabitants were left to bleach and moulder above 
ground. Such was fallen Falmouth — a spectacle of homi- 
cide, ruin and melancholy." 

" The attempts of the Indians upon the village of York, 
in the last and the present war, had been remarkably de- 
layed. Spread along the east side of Agamenticus River, 
near the margin of the salt water, it was in some degree 
sheltered from the enemy by the frontier settlements. It 
had been, for many years, one of the provincial seats of 



government and justice, and, since A. D. 1673, had been 
favored with the able and pious ministry of Rev. Shubael 
Dummer. Several houses were strongly fortified, and the 
people kept a constant and vigilant watch, excepting in the 
heart of winter. Unfortunately this was the season ascer- 
tained by the enemy to be most favorable for eifecting its 

Early in the morning of Monday, February 5, 1692, at 
the signal of a gun fired, the town was furiously assaulted, 
at different places, by a body of two or three hundred In- 
dians, led on, and emboldened by several Canadian French- 
men ; — all of them having taken up their march thither 
upon snow shoes. The surprise of the town was altogether 
unexpected and amazing, and consequently the more fatal. 
A scene of most horrid carnage and capture instantly en- 
sued ; and in one half hour, more than a hundred and six- 
ty of the inhabitants were expiring victims, or trembling 
suppliants, at the feet of their enraged enemies. The rest 
had the good fortune to escape with their lives, into Pre- 
ble's, Harman's, Alcock's and Norton's garrisoned houses, 
the best fortifications in town. Though well secured with- 
in the walls, and bravely defending themselves against their 
assailants, they were several times summoned to surrender ; 
*' Never," said they, " never, till zee have shed the last drop 
of hlood!" About 75 of the people were killed; yet de- 
spairing of conquest or capitulation, the vindictive destroy- 
ers set fire to nearly all the unfortified houses on the north- 
east side of the river, which, with a large amount of pro- 
perty left, besides the plunder taken, were laid in ashes. 
Apprehensive of being overtaken by avenging pursuers, they 
hastened to the woods, taking with them as much booty as 
they could carry away, and, as Dr. Mather says, " near a 
hundred of that unhappy people," prisoners. Nay, it was 
now their hard destiny to enter upon a long journey amidst 
a thousand hardships and sufferings, aggravated by severe 
weather, snow, famine, abuse, and every species of wretch- 

About one half of the inhabitants, it has been supposed, 
were either slain or carried captive. Mr. Dummer was 
found by some of his surviving neighbors, fallen dead upon 
his face, near his own door, being shot, as he was about 


Starting on horseback to make a pastoral visit. He was a 
well-educated divine, now in his sixtieth year, greatly be- 
loved by his charge. His wife, the daughter of Edward 
Rishworth, Esq., was among the captives, who being heart- 
broken, and exhausted with fatigue, soon sunk in death. 
But truth and fidelity require the writer to mention in this 
place, an instance of Indian' gratefulness, among several of 
a kindred character, occurring at other times in our wars 
with the natives. To recompense the English for sparing 
the lives of four or five Indian females and a brood of 
their children at Pejepscot, they dismissed some elderly wo- 
men, and several children between the ages of three and 
seven years, and returned them safely to one of the garri- 
son houses. A party instantly rallied at Portsmouth, as 
soon as the news reached that place, and went in pursuit 
of the enemy; too late, however, to effect a rescue of the 
prisoners, or to give the savages battle. In derision of the 
puritan ministers, towards whom the Indians, full of Ro- 
mish prejudices, entertained the greatest antipathy, one of 
them, on a Sunday of their march through the wilderness, 
dressed himself in the ministerial attire of Mr. Dummer, 
and, in mock dignity, stalked among the prisoners, several 
of whom were members of his church. 

" The massacre in York, and burning of the town, were 
the more deeply and extensively lamented, because of the 
antiquity and pre-eminence of the place, and especially the 
excellent character of the people." 

" In June, of the same year, Wells was the object of 
attack by the Indians. The inhabitants were dispersed 
ajnong the fortified houses, in necessitous circumstances ; 
while Capt. Converse and fifteen soldiers were all the fenci- 
ble men then in Storer's garrison. To supply them and 
the people with ammunition and provisions, two sloops, 
commanded by Samuel Storer and James Gouge, attended 
by a shallop, well laden, arrived in the harbor, Friday, June 
9th, having on board fourteen men. About the same hour, 
the cattle, much affrighted, ran bleeding into the settle- 
ment, from the woods ; fortunately giving the alarm of an 
approaching enemy. Capt. Converse instantly issued com- 
mands to the vessels, and to the people in all quarters, to 
be on their guard ; and the whole night was passed in anx- 
ious and trembling watchfulness. 




Next morning, before break of day, John Diamond, 
a passenger in the shallop, on his way to the garrison, dis- 
tant from the sloop a gun-shot, was seized by Indian spies, 
and dragged away by his hair. An army of about five 
hundred French and Indians presently appeared, under 
Burneffe, their superior officer, who was chief in command 
at the capture of Falmouth, — Labrocree, another French 
general, of some military reputation, and a few other 
Frenchmen of rank; attended by Madockawando, Ege- 
remet, Moxus, Warumbee, and several other sagamores. 
They closely examined Diamond, who told them what he 
knew ; only by mistake, or design, he said there were in 
the garrison with Capt. Converse thirty brave men, well 
armed. Flushed with the certainty of conquest, they ap- 
portioned the soldiers, the inhabitants, Mr. Wheelwright 
byname, the women and children of the town, the sailors, 
and the plunder, among the officers, the sagamores, and 
their host ; when one habited like a gentleman, made a 
speech in English to them, in which he exhorted them to 
be active and fearless ; assuring them, if they courageously 
attacked the English fortresses, all would be theirs — the 
heretics must surrender. 

" Instantly raising a hideous shout, they assailed the 
garrison with great fury, and continued the assault during 
the day. A party constructed, in the mean time, a breast- 
work of plank, hay posts and rails, over which they fired 
upon the vessels, secured only by a high bank, too far dis- 
tant for men to spring on board. Being only a dozen rods 
from the sloops, they were able to set them on fire several 
times with fire-arrows ; the crews extinguishing the flames 
by wet mops upon the ends of poles, and firing also with 
an aim and briskness, which at length compelled them to 
withdraw. One of the Indians, more daring than his fel- 
lows, then approached with a plank for a shield, whom a 
marksman, by a single shot, brought to the ground. Next, 
a kind of cart, rigged and trimmed with a platform and 
breast-work, shot proof, was rolled forward from the woods, 
till within fifteen yards from the sloops ; when one of the 
wheels sinking into the oozy earth, a Frenchman stepped 
to heave it forward with his shoulder, and was shot dead, 
and another, taking his place, shared the same fate. The 



firing was continued upon the sloops, with the repeated 
demand, * Surrender ! surrender !' — which was only re- 
torted by loud laughter. At night, they called out, * Who's 
your commander'!' 'We have,' said they, ' a great many 
commanders' ' You lie,' cried an Indian; 'you have none 
but Converse, and ice'll have 1dm before morning.' 

" A scout of six men, sent by Capt. Converse towards 
Newichawannock, a few hours before the enemy appeared, 
returning about the dawn of day, being Sabbath morning, 
were unwarily exposed, on their arrival, to certain death. 
But with great presence of mind, the corporal loudly be- 
spoke Capt. Converse, as if near him, ' Wheel your 7nen 
around the hill, and. these few dogs arc ours' The enemy 
supposing Converse was at their heels, hastily fled, and the 
scout entered the gates unhurt. 

The French and Indians now embodied themselves, and 
began to move with great regularity towards the garrison, 
when one of the captain's soldiers sighed a surrender; — 
* Utter the word again,' said he, ' and you are a dead 
man ;' — ' all lie close — fire not a gun till it will do execu- 
tion.' As the besiegers with a firm step approached, they 
gave three hideous shouts — one crying out in English, 
^Fire, and fall on, brave boys,' and the whole body opening 
into three ranks, discharged their guns all at once. A 
blaze of fire was returned, both from the small arms and 
the cannon, some two or three of which were twelve pound- 
ers ; the women in the garrison handing ammunition, and 
several times touching off* the pieces at the enemy. It was 
a crisis of life and death, and the repulse was so complete, 
that the attack was not renewed. 

" One further attempt, however, was made upon the ves- 
sels, which were still lying lashed together, in the best 
posture possible for defence. The enemy now constructed a 
fire-float, eighteen or twenty feet square, and filling it with 
combustibles, and setting them on fire, towed it as far as it 
was safe, directly towards the sloops, in the current of the 
tide, and left it to fleet in flames against them. To avoid, 
or to extinguish, this burning magazine, appeared impossi- 
ble, and their fate inevitable. But by the interposition of 
divine Providence, as the anxious mariners viewed it, a fresh 
counter breeze was breathed upon them, which drove it 



aground on the opposite shore, where it split, and filled with 

" Completely worsted in every effort made, and unable, 
by reason of the levelness of the ground, to undermine 
the garrison, the enemy despaired of forcing or inducing 
a capitulation ; having killed none in the fort, and no more 
than a single one of the mariners. Some of the enemy, 
however, after this, proceeded over the river, and made 
havock among the cattle, while the leaders sent a flag of 
truce, and began a parley, offering Capt. Converse the most 
seducing terms, if he would surrender. 'No,' said he, '7 
want nothing of you.^ A short dialogue ensued, of this 
purport. Converse told them, ' I want nothing but men to 
fight.' ^Tlien if you^ Converse, are so stout, ichy don't 
you come out and Jight in the field, like a man, and not 
stay in a garrison like a squaic 'V ' What fools are you ! 
Think you,' said he, ' my thirty are a match for your five 
hundred ? Come upon the plain with only thirty, and I 
am ready for you.' 'No, no, we think English fashion,' 
cried a grim Indian, ' all one fool : you kill me — me kill 
you ; — not so, — better lie someioheres and shoot 'em English- 
man, when he no see, that's the best soldier.' After this, 
the Indian bearing the flag, threw it upon the ground and 
fled. A few scattering guns were at intervals discharged 
till dusk, and about ten in the evening the enemy all with- 

" The good management and great bravery of Capt. Con- 
verse and his men, and of the ship-masters and their crews, 
were not exceeded during the war. A siege of forty-eight 
hours, prosecuted by a host against a handful, was, in the 
sequel, no less a disgrace and discouragement to the one, 
than animating and glorious to the other. Several of the 
enemy fell — one was Labrocree, who had about his neck, 
when found, a satchel inclosing Romish reliques, and a 
printed manual of indulgences. To avenge his death, the 
savages put their only captive, John Diamond, to the tor- 
ture. They stripped, scalped, and maimed him ; slit his 
hands and feet between the fingers and toes ; cut deep 
gashes in the fleshy parts of his body, and then stuck the 
wounds full of lighted torches, leaving him to die by 
piecemeal in the agonies of consuming fire." 



[chap. VII. 

"A memorable engagement happened, May 1, 1724, at 
the St, George's River. It being an inviting morning, 
April 30th, Capt. Josiah Winslow, commander of the fort, 
selected sixteen of the ablest men belonging to the garri- 
son, and in a couple of staunch whale-boats, proceeded 
down the river, and thence to the Green Islands in Penob- 
scot Bay, which, at this season of the year, were frequent- 
ed by the Indians for fowling. Though Winslow and his 
company made no discovery, their movements were watched 
by the wary enemy ; and on their return, the next day, as 
they were ascending the river, they fell into a fatal am- 
bush of the Indians, cowering under each of its banks 
They permitted Winslow to pass, and then fired into the 
other boat, which was commanded by Harvey, a sergeant, 
and was nearer the shore. Harvey fell. A brisk discharge 
of musketry was returned upon the assailants, when Win- 
slow, observing the imminent exposure of his companions, 
though he was himself out of danger, hastened back to 
their assistance. In an instant he found himself surround- 
ed by thirty canoes, and three-fold that number of armed 
savages, who raised a hideous whoop, and fell upon the 
two boat crews with desperate fury. The skirmish was 
severe and bloody ; when Winslow and his men, per- 
ceiving inevitable death to be the only alternative, resolved 
to sell their lives at the dearest rate. They made a most 
determined and gallant defence; and after nearly all of 
them were dead or mortally wounded, himself having his 
thigh fractured, and being extremely exhausted, — his shat- 
tered bark was set to the shore. Here, being waylaid, he 
fought a savage, hand to hand, with the greatest personal 
courage, beat off the foe, and then resting on his knee, 
shot one, ere they could despatch him. Thus fell the in- 
trepid Winslow and every one of his brave company, ex- 
cept three friendly Indians, who were suffered to escape, 
and communicate particulars to the garrison. The death 
of Capt. Winslow was severely felt and lamented. He 
was a young officer of military talents and great worth, 
and a late graduate of Harvard College." 

" In Rehoboth, Mass., the Indians burnt, on the 28th 
of March, 1676, about forty houses and thirty barns; and 
in Providence, R. I., soon after, about thirty houses. On 



the 8th of the following May, they burnt about seventeen 
houses and barns in Bridgewater. Not long after, they 
killed four of the inhabitants of Taunton. The preceding 
year, also, many outrages were committed, both upon 
Taunton and Bridgewater ; and in the months of AprU 
and May, there were burnt in Bridgewater, thirteen 
houses, and several barns. 

" Philip had declared, that the people of Taunton and 
Bridgewater should be the last to be destroyed. On the 
11th of July, 1676, he assembled all the warriors wdiom he 
was able to collect, and marched to Taunton, with a de- 
sign to accomplish its destruction. Raynham was at that 
time, and for many years after, a parish of Taunton, and 
was undoubtedly to be included in the common ruin. A 
black man, who understood the language of the Indians, 
and had been taken prisoner by Philip's people, discover- 
ing his intention against the inhabitants of Taunton, made 
his escape, and acquainted them with their danger. They 
accordingly prepared themselves to give him a warm re- 
ception ; and with the aid of some soldiers in the neigh- 
borhood, saluted him with such spirit, that, after having 
set two houses on fire, he retreated Capt. Church, the 
commander of the Plymouth forces, attackeJ him speedily 
after ; defeated him in several successive engagements, 
and killed and took a considerable number of his men. At 
length he fled to a swamp in the neighborhood of Mount 
Hope, in Bristol, R. I. Capt. Church, being informed 
of this fact, pursued him ; but scarcely had he reached the 
ground, when Philip was shot by one of his own country- 

In the latter end of July, or beginning of August, 
1692, a party of Indians came into the town of Brook- 
field, and broke up two or three families. Joseph Wool- 
cot, being at work at a little distance from his house, his 
wife, being fearful, took her children, and went out to him. 
When they returned to the house at noon, they found the 
Indians had been there, for his gun, and several other 
things were missing, and looking out at a window, he saw 
an Indian at some distance, coming towards the house. 
He immediately sent out his wife and his two little daugh- 
ters, to hide themselves in the bushes ; and he, taking his 



little son under his arm, and his broad axe in his hand, 
went out, with his dog, in sight of the Indian. The dog, 
being large and fierce, attacked the Indian so furiously, 
that he was obliged to discharge his gun at the dog, to rid 
himself of him : immediately upon which, Woolcot sat 
down the child, and pursued the Indian till he heard the 
bullet run down his gun, the Indian charging as he ran ; 
he then turned back, snatched up his child, and made his 
escape through the swamps to a fort. His wife, being 
gre;itly terrified, discovered by her shrieks where she was, 
and the Indian soon found and despatched both her and 
her children. Others of the party about the same time 
came into the house of one Mason, while the family were 
at dinner. They killed Mason, and one or two children, 
and took his wife, and an infant which they had v/ounded, 
and carried them off. 

" Early one morning, John Woolcot, a lad of about 
twelve or fourteen years of age, was riding in search of 
the cows, when the Indians fired at him, killed his horse 
under him, and took him prisoner. The people at Jen- 
nings' garrison, hearing the firing, and concluding the peo- 
ple of another garrison were beset, six men set out for 
their assistance, but were waylaid by the Indians. The 
English saw not their danger, till they saw there was no 
escaping it; and therefore, knowing that an Indian could 
not look an Englishman in the face, and take a right aim, 
they stood their ground, presenting their pieces wherever 
they saw an Indian, without discharging them, excepting 
Abijah Bartlet, who turned to flee, and was shot dead. 
The Indians kept firing at the rest, and wounded three of 
them, Joseph Jennings in two places ; one ball grazed the 
top of his head, by which he was struck blind for a mo- 
ment ; another ball passed through his shoulder, wounding 
his collar-bone ; yet by neither did he fall, nor was he mor- 
tally wounded. Benjamin Jennings was wounded in the 
leg, and John Green in the wrist. They were preserved, at 
last, by the following stratagem. A large dog, hearing the 
firing, came to our men, one of whom, to encourage his 
brethren, and intimidate the Indians, called out, ' Capt. 
Williams is come to our assistance, for here is his dog.' 
The Indians, seeing the dog, and knowing Williams to be 



a famous warrior, immediately fled, and our men escaped. 
John Woolcot, the lad above mentioned, was carried to 
Canada, where he remained six or seven years, during 
which time, by conversing wholly with Indians, he not 
only lost his native language, but became so naturalized 
to the savages, as to be unwilling, for a while, to return to 
his native country. Some years afterwards, viz., in March, 
1728, in time of peace, he and another man, having been 
hunting, and coming down Connecticut River with a freight 
of skins and fur, they were hailed by some Indians, but 
not being willing to go to them, they steered for another 
shore. The Indians landed at a little distance from them ; 
several shots were exchanged, and at length Woolcot was 

''The last mischief which was done by the savages in 
Brookfield, was about the 20th of July, 1710. Six men, 
viz., Ebenezer Hayward, John White, Stephen and Ben- 
jamin Jennings, John Grosvenor, and Joseph Kellog, were 
making hay in the meadows, when the Indians, who had 
been watching an opportunity to surprise them, sprung 
suddenly upon them, despatched five of them, and took the 
other, John White, prisoner. White, spying a-small com- 
pany of our people at some distance, jumped from the In- 
dian who held him, and ran to join his friends ; but the 
Indian fired after him, and wounded him in the thigh, so 
that he fell ; but soon recovering, and running again, he 
was again fired at, and received his death-wound." 

In February, 1704, an assault was made upon Deerfield, 
Massachusetts. In the evening previous to the attack, 
" Major Hertel de Rouville, with two hundred French and 
one hundred and forty-two Indians, aided by two of his 
brothers, after a tedious march of between two and three 
hundred miles, through deep snow, arrived at an elevated 
pine forest, bordering Deerfield meadow, about two miles 
north of the village, where they lay concealed until mid- 
night. Finding all quiet, and the snow covered with a 
erust sufficient to support his men, Rouville deposited his 
snow-shoes and packs at the foot of the elevation, and 
crossing Deerfield River, began his march through an open 
meadow a little before day-light. As the march upon the 
crust produced a rustling noise, which, it was apprehended, 



might alarm the sentinels at the fort, he ordered frequent 
halts, in which the whole lay still for a few moments, and 
then rising, they dashed on with rapidity. The noise thus 
alternately ceasing, they supposed would be attributed by 
the sentinels to the irregularity of the wind ; but the pre- 
caution was unnecessary, for the guard within the fort had 
improvidently retired to rest about the time the enemy com- 
menced their march throuo-h the meadow. Arriving at 
the north-west quarter of the fort, where the snow in many 
places was drifted nearly to the top of the palisades, the 
enemy entered the place, and found all in a profound sleep. 
Parties detached in different directions, assaulted the 
houses, broke the doors, and dragged the astonished people 
from their beds. Where resistance was attempted, the to- 
mahawk or musket ended the strife. A few were so for- 
tunate as to escape by flight to the adjacent woods; but the 
greatest part were killed, or made prisoners. 

Early in the assault, about twenty Indians attacked the 
house of the Rev. John Williams, who, awaking from a 
sound sleep, instantly leaped from his bed, ran toward the 
door, and found a party entering. Calling to awaken a 
couple of soldiers in his chamber, he seized a pistol from 
his bed tester, and presenting it to the breast of the fore- 
most Indian, attempted to shoot him; but it missed fire. 
He was instantly seized, bound, and thus kept nearly an 
hour without his clothes. Two of his young children 
were dragged to the door, and murdered, and his negro 
woman suffered the same fate. Mrs, Williams, who was 
in feeble health, and five children, were also seized, and 
the house rifled with unrelenting barbarity. While the In- 
dians were thus employed, Capt. Stoddard, a lodger in the 
house, seizing his cloak, leaped from a chamber window, 
escaped across Deerfield River, and availing himself of his 
cloak, which he tore into shreds and wrapped about his 
feet, arrived at Hatfield nearly exhausted. 

*' The house of Capt. John Sheldon was attacked ; but 
as the door at which the Indians attempted to enter was 
firmly bolted, they found it difficult to penetrate. They 
then perforated it with their tomahawks, and thrusting 
through a musket, fired, and killed the captain's wife, as 
she was rising from her bed in the adjoining room. The 



captain's son and his wife, awakened by the assault, leaped 
from a chamber window, at the east end of the house, by 
which the latter sprained her ankle, and was taken by the 
Indians ; but the husband escaped into the woods, and 
reached Hatfield. After gaining possession of the house, 
which was one of the largest in the place, the enemy re- 
served it as a depot for the prisoners, as they were collect- 
ed from other parts of the village. 

"Another dwelling-house, situated about fifty yards 
south-east of Sheldon's, though repeatedly attacked, and 
various means adopted to set it on fire, was saved from the 
grasp of the enemy, by seven armed men and a few wo- 
men, by whom it was occupied. While the brave defend- 
ers were pouring their fire upon the assailants from the 
windows and loop-holes, the no less brave women were 
busily employed in casting balls for future supply. Unable 
to carry the house, or intimidate the defenders to a surren- 
der, by all their threats and stratagems, the enemy gave up 
their efforts, and cautiously endeavored to keep out of the 
range of the shot. But notwithstanding their precautions, 
several were singled out and shot down by the marksmen 
in the house. 

" While devastation and ruin were in operation at the 
main fort, a palisaded house, situated about sixty rods 
southerly, was furiously attacked, and gallantly defended, 
by a small party of the inhabitants, and the assailants were 
at length compelled to draw off. But they received several 
fatal shots from the house during their stay in the place. 

Having collected the prisoners, plundered and set fire 
to the buildings, Rouville left the place about an hour be- 
fore sunset, and retraced his march through the m.eadow 
to his packs and snow-shoes, where the prisoners were de- 
prived of their shoes, and furnished with Indian mocca- 
sons, to enable them to travel with more facility." 

''February 8th, Joseph Bradley's garrison, at Haverhill, 
was unhappily surprised by a small party of Indians, who, 
skulking at a distance, and seeing the gates open, and none 
on the sentry, rushed in, and became masters of it. The 
housewife, perceiving the misery that was attending her, 
and having boiling soap on the fire, scalded one of them 
to dejith. The sentinel within was slain, and she, with 



several others, were taken. That which heightened her 
affliction was, being with child, and yet obliged to travel 
in a deej) snow, under a heavy burden, and many days to- 
gether without subsistence, excepting a few bits of skin, 
ground-nuts, bark of trees, wild onions and lily roots. Ne- 
vertheless, she was wonderfully supported, and at last safe- 
ly delivered ; but the babe soon perished for want of nou- 
rishment and by the cruelty of the Indians, w^ho, as it 
cried, threw hot embers into its mouth. After a year's 
bondage, she was sold to the French for eighty livres, and 
then redeemed by her husband." 

" Sometime in the summer of 1706, the Indians again 
visited the garrison of Joseph Bradley ; and it is said that 
he, his wife and children, and a hired man, were the only 
persons in it, at the time. It was in the night, the moon 
shone brightly, and they could be easily seen silently and 
cautiously approaching. Mr. Bradley armed himself, his 
wife and man, each with a gun, and such of his children 
as could shoulder one. Mrs. Bradley, supposing they had 
come purposely for her, told her husband that she had ra- 
ther be killed than be again taken. The Indians rushed 
upon the garrison, and endeavored to beat down the door. 
They succeeded in pushing it partly open, and when one 
of the Indians began to crowd himself through the open- 
ing, Mrs. Bradley fired her gun, and shot him dead. The 
rest of the Indians, seeing their companion fall, desisted 
from their purpose, and hastily retreated." 

On the 2yth of August, 1708, a party of French and 
Indians attacked Haverhill Village, then consisting of 
about thirty houses. " At the break of day, they passed 
the frontier garrisons undiscovered, and were first seen 
near the pound, marching two and two, by John Keezar, 
who was returning from Amesbury. He immediately ran 
into the village and alarmed the inhabitants, who seem to 
have slept totally unguarded, by firing his gun near the 
meeting-house. The enemy soon appeared, making the 
air ring with terrific yells, with a sort of whistle, which 
tradition says could be heard as far as a horn. They scat- 
tered in every direction over the village, so that they might 
accomplish their bloody work with more despatch. The 
first person they saw, was Mrs. Smith, whom they shot as 


she was flying from her house to a garrison. The foremost 
party attacked the house of Rev. Benjamin Rolfe, which 
wiis then garrisoned with three soldiers, and he and a part 
of his beloved and accomplished family were suddenly 
awakened from their slumbers, only to hear the horrid 
knell for their departure. Mr. Rolfe instantly leaped from 
his bed, placed himself against the door, which they were 
endeavoring to beat in, and called on the soldiers for as- 
sistance ; but they refused to give it, for they were palsied 
with fear, and walked to and fro through the chambers, 
crying, and swinging their arms. The enemy, finding 
their entrance strenuously opposed, fired two balls through 
the door, one of which took effect, and wounded Mr. Roife 
in the elbow. They then pressed against it with their uni- 
ted strength, and Mr. Rolfe, finding it impossible to resist 
them any longer, fled precipitately through the house, and 
out at the back door. The Indians followed, overtook 
him at the v*ell, and despatched him witii their tomahawks. 
They then searched every part of the house for plunder, 
and also for other victims. They soon found Mrs. Rolfe 
and her youngest child, Mehitable, and while one of them 
sunk his hatchet deep in her head, another took the infant 
from her dying grasp, and dashed its head against a stone 
near the door. 

" Two of Mr. Rolfe's children, about six and eight 
years of age, were providentially saved by the sagacity and 
courage of Hagar, a negro slave, who was an inmate of 
the family. Upon the first alarm, she leaped from her bed, 
carried them into the cellar, covered them with two tubs, 
and then concealed herself The enemy entered the cel- 
lar, and plundered it of every thing valuable. They re- 
peatedly passed the tubs that covered the two children, 
and even trod on the foot of one, without discovering them. 
They drank milk from the pans, then dashed them on the 
cellar bottom, and took meat from the barrel behind which 
Hagar was concealed. 

** Anna Whittaker, who was then living in the family of 
Mr. Rolfe, concealed herself in an apple chest, under the 
stairs, and escaped unharmed. But it fared differently 
with the soldiers. They earnestly begged for mercy of 
their inhuman conquerors, but their cries were unheeded ; 



and when the massacre was over, their bodies were num- 
bered with tlic slain. 

*' The family of Thomas Hartshorne suffered as severely 
as that of Mr. Rolfe. He saw a party approaching to as- 
sault his house, and escaped out of it, followed by two of 
liis sons, to call assistance ; but all three were shot dead 
immediately after leaving it. A third son was tomahawked 
as he was coming out at the door. 

''Mrs. Hartshorne, with that presence of mind which is 
a characteristic of her sex, when surrounded with danger, 
instantly took the rest of her children — excepting an in- 
fant, which she left on a bed in the garret, and which she 
was afraid would, by its cries, betray their place of con- 
cealment, if she took it with her — through a trap-door in- 
to the cellar. The enemy entered the house, and began 
to plunder it, but happily did not discover them. They 
went into the garret, took the infant from its bed, and 
threw it out of the window. It fell on a pile of clap- 
boards, and when the action was over, it was found com- 
pletely stunned. It lived, however, and became a man of 
uncommon stature and of remarkable strentrth. His neio-h- 
bors would frequently joke him, and say that the Indians 
stunted him, when they threw him from the garret window. 

" One of the parties proceeded toward the river, and at- 
tacked the house of Lieut. John Johnson. Mr. Johnson 
and his wife, with an infant a year old in her arms, were 
standing at the door, when the enemy made their appear- 
ance. Mr. Johnson was shot, and his wife fled through 
the house into the garden, carrying her babe, where she 
was overtaken by the foe, and immediately despatched. 
But when she fell, she was careful not to injure her child, 
and it seemed as though her last thoughts were for its safe- 
ty. The enemy did not murder it, and it is somewhat re- 
markable that they did not. After the massacre was over, 
it was found at the breast of its dead mother. 

" Another party rifled and burnt the house of Mr. Sil- 
ver, and others attacked the watch-house, which was, how- 
ever, successfully defended. Another party went to the 
house of Capt. Samuel Wainwright, whom they killed at 
the first fire. The soldiers stationed in the chambers were 
preparing to defend the house till the last, when Mrs. 



Wainwright fearlessly unbarred the door, and let them in. 
She spoke to them kindly, waited upon them with seeming 
alacrity, and promised to procure them whatever they de- 
sired. The enemy knew not what to make of this ; — the 
apparent cheerfulness with which they were received, and 
the kindness with which they were treated, was so differ- 
ent from what they expected to meet with, that it seemed 
to paralyze their energies. They, however, demanded 
money of Mrs. Wainwright, and upon her retiring ' to 
bring it,' as she said, she fled with all of her children, ex- 
cept one daughter, who was taken captive, and was not 
afterwards discovered. The enemy, as soon as they found 
out how completely they had been deceived, were greatly 
enraged, and attacked the chambers with great violence ; 
but the soldiers courageously defended them, and after at- 
tempting to fire the house, they retreated, taking with 
them three prisoners. In the mean time, two Indians 
skulked behind a large stone, which stood in the field a 
few rods east of the house, where they could fire upon its 
inmates at their leisure. The soldiers in the chamber 
fired upon them, and killed them both. 

" The Indians attacked the house of Mr. Swan, which 
stood in the field now called White's lot. Swan and his 
wife saw them approaching, and determined, if possible, 
to save their own lives, and the lives of their children, 
from the knives of the ruthless butchers. They immediate- 
ly placed themselves against the door, which was so narrow 
that two could hardly enter abreast. The Indians rushed 
against it, but finding that it could not be easily opened, 
they commenced their operations more systematically. 
One of them placed his back to the door, so that he could 
make his whole strength bear upon it, while the otlier 
pushed against him. The strength of the besiegers was 
greater than that of the besieged, and Mr. Swan, being 
rather a timid man, almost despaired of saving himself 
and family, and told his wife that he thought it would be bet- 
ter to let them in. But this heroic and courageous wo- 
man had no such idea. The Indians had now succeeded 
in partly opening the door, and one of them was crowding 
himself in, while the other was pushing lustily after. The 
heroic wife saw that there was no time for parleying — she 



seized her spit, which was nearly three feet in length, and 
a deadly weapon in the hands of woman, as it proved, and 
collecting all the strength she possessed, drove it through 
the body of the foremost. This was too warm a reception 
for the besiegers — it was resistance from a source, and with 
a weapon, they little expected. Being thus repulsed, the 
two Indians immediately retreated, and did not molest 
them again. Thus, by the fortitude and heroic courage 
of a wife and mother, this family was probably saved from 
a bloody grave. 

" One of the parties set fire to the back side of the meet- 
ing-house, a new, and, for that period, an elegant building. 
These transactions were all performed about the same 
time ; but they were not permitted to continue their work 
of murder and conflagration long, before they became pa- 
nic struck. Mr. Davis, an intrepid man, went behind Mr. 
Rolfe's barn, which stood near the house, struck it violent- 
ly with a large club, called on men by name, gave the word 
of command as though he were ordering an attack, and 
shouted with a loud voice, ' Come on ! come on ! we will 
have them !' The party in Mr. Rolfe's house, supposing 
that a large body of the English had come upon them, be- 
gan the cry of ' The English are come !' and after at- 
tempting to fire the house, precipitately left it. About this 
time, Major Turner arrived with a company of soldiers, and 
the whole body of the enemy commenced a rapid retreat, 
taking with them a number of prisoners. The retreat 
commenced about the rising of the sun. Meantime, Mr. 
Davis ran to the meeting-house, and, with the aid of a few 
others, succeeded in extinguishing the devouring element. 

" The town, by this time, was generally alarmed. Jo- 
seph Bradley collected a small party, and secured the me- 
dicine box and packs of the enemy, which they had lefl; 
about three miles from the village. Capt. Samuel Ayer, 
a fearless man, and of great strength, collected a body of 
about twenty men, and pursued the retreating foe. He 
came up with them just as they were entering the vVoods, 
when they faced about, and although they numbered thir- 
teen or more to one, still Capt. Ayer did not hesitate to 
give them battle. These gallant men were soon reinforced 
by another party, under the command of his son ; and 



after a severe skirmish, which lasted about an hour, they 
retook some of the prisoners, and the enemy precipitately 
retreated, leaving nine of their number dead." 

" The inhabitants were now left to perform the sorrow- 
ful office of burying their dead — and it was a sorrowful 
one indeed. The day was somewhat advanced when the 
battle was over, and, it being extremely warm, the inter- 
ment was necessarily hurried. Coffins could not be made 
for all, and a large pit was dug in the burying-ground, in 
which several of them were laid.'* 

" April 27th, 1706, a small body of Indians fell on an 
out-house at Oyster River, where they killed eight, and 
wounded two. The garrison, which stood near, had not 
a man in it, at the time ; but the women, who assumed an 
Amazonian courage, advanced the watch-box, and made 
an alarm. They put on hats, with their hair hanging 
down, and fired so briskly, that they struck a terror into 
the enemy, and they withdrew without firing the house or 
carrying away much plunder. The principal sufferer, at 
this time, was John Wheeler, who, thinking them to be 
friendly Indians, unfortunately fell into their hands. Two 
days after, Mr. Shapleigh and his son, as they were travel- 
ling through Kittery, were ambushed by another party, 
who, killing the father, took the son and carried him to 
Canada. In their march, they were so inhumanly cruel, 
that they bit off the tops of his fingers, and, to stagnate 
the blood, seared them with hot tobacco pipes." 

''On the 3d of July, a party of Indians made a desc^ent 
upon Dunstable, N. H., where they fell on a garrison that 
had twenty troopers in it. They had been ranging the 
woods in the vicinity, and came, towards night, to this gar- 
rison ; apprehending no danger, turned their horses loose 
upon the interval, piled their arms and harness in the 
house, and began a carousal, to exhilarate'their spirits after 
the fatigues of the day. The Indians had lately arrived 
in the vicinity, and on that day had designed to attack both 
Wells' and Galusha's garrisons. One of their number had 
been stationed to watch each of these houses, to see that 
no assistance approached, and no alarm was given. A 
short time previous to the arrival of the cavalry, the In- 
dian stationed at Wells' returned to his party, and reported 



[chap. VII. 

that all was safe. At sunset, a Mr. Cumings and his 
wife went out to milk their cows, and left the gate open. 
The Indians, who had advanced undiscovered, started up, 
shot Mrs. Cumings dead upon the spot, and wounded her 
husband. They then rushed through the open gate into the 
house, with all the horrid yells of conquering savages, but 
stared with amazement at finding the room filled with 
soldiers, merrily feasting. Both parties were completely 
amazed, and neither acted with much propriety. The sol 
diers, so suddenly interrupted in their jovial entertainment, 
found themselves called upon to fight, when entirely desti- 
tute of arms, and incapable of obtaining any. The great- 
er part were panic-struck, and unable to fight or fly. For 
tunately, all were not in this sad condition ; some six or 
seven courageous souls, wdth chairs, clubs, and whatever 
they could seize upon, furiously attacked the advancing 
foe. The Indians, who were as much surprised as the sol- 
diers, had but little more courage than they, and immedi- 
ately took to their heels for safety : thus yielding the house, 
defeated by one quarter their number of unarmed men. 
The trumpeter, who was in the upper part of the house 
at the commencement of the attack, seized his trumpet, 
and commenced sounding an alarm, when he was shot dead 
by an Indian on the stair way. He was the only one of 
the party killed." 

" September 4th, 1724, the Indians again fell on Dun- 
stable, and took two in the evening : the persons taken, 
were Nathan Cross and Thomas Blanchard, who had been 
engaged in the manufacture of turpentine, on the north 
side of Nashua River, near where Nashua Village now 
stands. At that time there were no houses or settlements 
on that side of the river. These men had been in the ha- 
bit of returning every night, to lodge in a saw mill on the 
other side. That night they came not as usual. An alarm 
was given ; it was feared they had fallen into the hands of 
the Indians. A party, consisting of ten of the principal 
inhabitants of the place, started in search of them, under 
the direction of one French, a sergeant of militia. In 
this company was Farwell, who was afterwards lieutenant 
under Lovewell. When they arrived at the spot where the 
men had been laboring, they found the hoops of the barrel 



cut, and the turpentine spread upon the ground. From 
certain marks upon the trees made with coal mixed with 
grease, they understood that the men were taken, and car- 
ried off alive. In the course of this examination, Farwell 
perceived that the turpentine had not ceased spreading, 
and called the attention of his comrades to this circum- 
stance. They concluded that the Indians had been gone 
but a short time, and must still be near, and decided 
upon instant pursuit. Farwell advised them to take a 
circuitous route, to avoid an ambush. But, unfortu- 
nately, he and French had, a short time previous, had a 
misunderstanding, and were still at variance. French 
imputed this advice to cowardice, and called out, " I am 
going to take the direct path ; if any of you are not afraid, 
let him follow me." French led the way, and the whole 
party followed, Farwell falling in the rear. Their route 
was up the Merrimac, towards which they bent their 
course, to look for their horses upon the interval. At the 
brook near Lutwyche's (now Thornton's) ferry, they were 
waylaid. The Indians fired upon them, and killed the 
larger part instantly, A few fled, but were overtaken and 
destroyed. French was killed about a mile from the place 
of action, under an oak-tree, now standing in the field be- 
longing to Mr. Lund, in Merrimac. Farwell, in the rear, 
seeing those before him fall, sprung behind a tree, discharged 
his piece, and ran. Two Indians pursued him; the chase 
was vigorously maintained for some time, without gaining 
much advantage, till Farwell passing through a thicket, 
the Indians lost sight of him, and fearing he might have 
loaded again, they desisted. He was the only one of the 
company that escaped. A company from the neighbor- 
hood mustered upon the news of this disaster, proceeded 
to the fatal spot, took up the bodies of their friends and 
townsmen, and interred them in the burying-ground in 
Dunstable. Blanchard and Cross were carried to Canada; 
after remaining there some time, they succeeded, by their 
own exertions, in effecting their redemption, and returned 
to their native town, where their descendants are still 

" Within the town of Dover were many families of 
Quakers, who, scrupling the lawfulness of war, could not 



be persuaded to use any means for their defence, though 
equally exposed, with their neighbors, to an enemy who 
made no distinction between them. One of these people, 
Ebenezer Downs, was taken by the Indians, and was gross- 
ly insulted and abused by them, because he would not 
dance, as the rest of the prisoners did, for the diversion 
of their savage captors. Another of them, John Hanson, 
who lived on the outsi-de of the town, could not be per- 
suaded to remove to a garrison, though he had a large fa- 
mily of children. In June, 1724, a party of thirteen In- 
dians, called French Mohawks, had marked his house for 
their prey, and lay several days in ambush, waiting for an 
opportunity to assault it. While Hanson, with his eldest 
daughter, was gone to attend the weekly meeting of 
Friends, and his two eldest sons were at work in a mea- 
dow at some distance, the Indians entered the house, killed 
and scalped two small children, and took his wife, with her 
infant of fourteen days old, her nurse, two daughters and 
a son, and after rifling the house, carried them off. This 
was done so suddenly and secretly, that the first person 
who discovered it, was the eldest daughter, at her return 
from the meeting before her father. Seeing the two chil- 
dren dead at the door, she gave a shriek of distress, which 
was distinctly heard by her mother, then in the hands of 
the enemy among the bushes, and by her brothers in the 
meadow. The people being alarmed, went in pursuit ; but 
the Indians, carefully avoiding all paths, went off with their 
captives undiscovered." 

In May, 1725, Capt. John Lovewell, with thirty-four 
men, while pursuing their march to the northward, with 
the design of attacking the Indian villages of Pigwacket, 
on the upper part of Saco River, came to a pond situated 
in the township of Fryeburg, Me., fifty miles from any Eng- 
lish settlement, and twenty-two from the fort on Ossipee 
Pond, where Ihey encamped. " Early the next morning, 
while at their devotions, they heard the report of a gun, 
and discovered a single Indian, standing on a point of 
land which runs into the pond, more than a mile distant. 
They had been alarmed the preceding night by noises 
round their camp, which they imagined were made by 
Indians, and this opinion was now strengthened. They 



suspected that the Indian was placed there to decoy them, 
and that a body of the enemy was in their front. A con- 
sultation being held, they determined to march forward, 
and by encompassing the pond, to gain the point where 
the Indian stood ; and that they might be ready for action, 
they disencumbered themselves of their packs, and left 
them without a guard, at the north-east end of the pond, 
in a pitch-pine plain, where the trees were thin, and the 
brakes, at that time of the year, small. It happened that 
Lovewell's march had crossed a carrying place, by which 
two parties of Indians, consisting of forty-one men, com- 
manded by Paugus and Wahwa, who had. been scouting 
down Saco River, were returning to the lower village of 
Pigwacket, distant about a mile and a half from this pond. 
Having fallen on his track, they followed it till they came 
to the packs, which they removed ; and counting them, 
found the number of his men to be less than their own : 
they therefore placed themselves in ambush to attack them 
on their return. The Indian who had stood on the point, 
and was returning to the village by another path, met them 
and received their fire, which he returned, and wounded 
Capt. Lovewell and another, with small shot. Lieut. Wy- 
man, firing again, killed him, and they took off his scalp. 
Seeing no other enemy, they returned to the place where 
they had left their packs, aud while they were looking for 
them, the Indians rose and ran toward them with horrid 
yelling. A smart firing now commenced on both sides, it 
being now about ten of the clock. Capt. Lovewell and 
eight more were killed on the spot. Lieut. Farwell and 
two others were wounded. Several of the Indians fell : 
but being superior in number, they endeavored to surround 
the party, who, perceiving their intention, retreated ; ho- 
ping to be sheltered by a point of rocks which ran into the 
pond, and a few large pine-trees standing on a sandy beach. 
In this forlorn place they took their station. On their 
right was the mouth of a brook, at that time unfordable; 
on their left was the rocky point ; tlieir front was partly 
covered by a deep bog, and partly uncovered, and the pond 
was in their rear. The enemy galled them in front and 
flank, and had them so completely in their power, that had 
they made a prudent use of their advantage, the whole 



company must either have been killed, or obliged to sur- 
render at discretion, being destitute of a mouthful of sus- 
tenance, and escape being impracticable. Under the con- 
duct of Lieut. Wyman, they kept up their fire, and showed 
a resolute countenance, all the remainder of the day; du- 
ring which their chaplain, Jonathan Fry, Ensign Robbins, 
and one more, were mortally wounded. The Indians in- 
vited them to surrender, by holding up ropes to them, and 
endeavoring to intimidate them by their hideous yells ; but 
they determined to die rather than yield ; and by their 
well-directed fire, the number of the savages was thinned, 
and their cries became fainter, till, just before night, they 
quitted their advantageous ground, carrying off their killed 
and wounded, and leaving the dead bodies of Lovewell 
and his men unscalped. The shattered remnant of this 
brave company, collecting themselves together, found three 
of their number unable to move from the spot, eleven 
wounded, but able to march, and nine who had received 
no hurt. It was melancholy to leave their dying compan- 
ions behind, but there was no possibility of removing them. 
After the rising of the moon, they quitted the fatal spot, 
and directed their march toward the fort. Eleazer Davis, 
of Concord, was the last that got in ; who first came to 
Berwick, and then to Portsmouth, where he w^as carefully 
provided for, and had a skilful surgeon to attend him. 

" Ensign Wyman, who took upon himself the command 
of the shattered company after Capt. Lovewell was killed, 
and the other officers \vounded, behaved w-ith great pru- 
dence and courage, animating the men, and telling them 
* that the day would yet be their own, if their spirits did 
not flag ;' which enlivened them anew, and caused them to 
fire so briskly, that several of them discharged between 
twenty and thirty times apiece. Mr. Jacob Fullam, who 
was an officer, and an only son, distinguished himself with 
much bravery. One of the first that was killed, was by 
his right hand, and when ready to encounter a second shot, 
it is said that he and his adversary fell at the very instant, 
by each other's shot." 

" Lieut. Farwell, and the chaplain, who had the journal 
of the expedition in his pocket, and one more, perished in 
the woods, for want of dressing for their wounds. The 



chaplain died three days after the fight. Lieut. Farwell 
held out on his return till the eleventh day, during which 
time he had nothing to eat but water, and a few roots 
which he chewed ; and by this time the wounds through 
his body were so mortified, that the worms made a tho- 
rough passage. On the same day, Davis, who was with 
him, caught a fish, which he broiled, and was greatly re- 
freshed by it ; but the lieutenant v/as so much spent, that 
he could not taste a bit. Davis, being now alone, in a 
melancholy, desolate state, still made toward the fort, and 
the next day came to it; there he found some pork and 
bread, by which he was enabled to return, as above men- 
tioned." Fourteen, only, survived this fatal encounter. 

In August, 1746, an assault aud massacre took place at 
Concord, N. H.,the circumstances of which, as related by 
Mr. Reuben Abbot, are the following. 

" I, with Abiel Chandler, was at w^ork in the Fan, near 
Sugar-Ball, making hay, on Monday morning, 11th Aug., 
1746, then in my 24th year. We heard three guns fired 
at Parson Walker's fort, which were the appointed signal 
of the approach or apprehension of the Indians. On hear- 
ing the alarm guns, w^e ran up to the garrison, and found 
the soldiers w^ho were stationed there, and such men as 
could be spared, had gone to where the men were killed. 
We followed on, and took the foot-path, (by Capt. Eme- 
ry's, near the prison,) and arrived at the spot where the 
bodies lay, as soon as those did who went round by the 
main road. When we arrived near the brook that runs 

through the farm formerly owned by Mitchell, on 

the east side of the brook we found Samuel Bradley, 
stripped naked, scalped, and lying on his face in the road, 
within half a rod of the bridge over that brook. He was 
shot through the body, and supposed through his lungs ; 
the ball struck and spoiled his powder-horn, which the In- 
dians left. He was no otherwise wounded by the Indians 
than shot and scalped. Jonathan Bradley lay about ten 
feet out of the road, on the south side, and about two rods 
east of the brook. He was lieutenant in Capt. Ladd's 
company from Exeter, and a number of years older than 
Samuel. He was not wounded by the Indians in their fire, 
and immediately after the Indians had first fired, he ordered 



his men to fight them. As but few of the Indians fired 
the first time, Jonathan supposed that he and his six men 
could manage them, and they fired at the few who had 
risen up from their ambush. Immediately the whole body 
of the Indians, about one hundred in number, rose up and 
fired. Jonathan, seeing their number, and receiving their 
fire, ordered his men to run, and take care of themselves. 
But by this time, Obadiah Peters, John Bean, John Luf- 
kin, and Samuel Bradley were killed. The Indians then 
rushed upon Jonathan Bradley, William Stickney, and 
Alexander Roberts, took Stickney and Roberts prisoners, 
and offered Jonathan Bradley good quarter. But he re- 
fused to receive quarter, and fought with his gun against 
that cloud of Indians, until they struck him on the face re- 
peatedly with their tomahawks, cut a number of gashes in 
his face, One large gash running obliquely across his fore- 
head and nose, down between his eyes ; another on the 
side of his head, and one on the back part of his head, 
which entered his skull, and brought him to the ground. 
The Indians then despatched him, took off" his scalp, and 
stripped him nearly naked. Obadiah Peters we found shot 
through the head. Bean and Lufkin were shot, and ran 
from the brook towards the main road about six roils, and 
fell within a rod of each other, on the north side of the 
road as now travelled. Four of the Indians were killed, 
and two wounded, who were carried away on biers. 

" The soldiers from the garrisons were too late to save 
the lives of these brave men. Upon their approach, the 
Indians fled like cowards, leaving their packs and various 
other things, which the soldiers took." 

In the early part of the year 1746, the General Court 
of Massachusetts sent a party of men to Canada, for what 
purpose is not now recollected, and perhaps was not gene- 
rally known. On their return they passed through Upper 
Ashuelot, now Keene. On arriving in sight of the set- 
tlement, they fired their guns. This, of course, alarmed 
the inhabitants, and all who were out, and several were in 
the woods making suorar, hastened home. From some 
cause or other, suspicions were entertained that a party of 
Indians had followed the returning whites ; and for several 
days the settlers were more vigilant and more circumspect in 



their movements, seldom leaving the fort, except to look 
after their cattle, which were in the barns and at the stacks 
in the vicinity. 

" Early in the morning of the 23d of April, Ephraim 
Dormer left the fort to search for his cow. He went north 
wardly, along the borders of what was then a hideous 
and almost impervious swamp, lying east of the fort, until 
he arrived near to the place where the turnpike now is. 
Looking into the swamp, he perceived several Indians lurk- 
ing in the bushes. He immediately gave the alarm, by 
crying, ' Indians ! Indians 1' and ran towards the forL Two, 
who were concealed in the bushes between him and the 
fort, sprang forward, aimed their pieces at him, and fired, 
but neither hit him. They then, throwing away their arms, 
advanced towards him ; one he knocked down by a blow 
which deprived him of his senses. The other he seized, 
and being a strong man, and an able wrestler, tried his 
strength and skill in his favorite mode of * trip and twitch.' 
He tore his antagonist's blanket from his body, leaving 
him nearly naked. He then seized him by the arms and 
body ; but as he was painted and greased, he slipped from 
his grasp. After a short struggle, Dormer quitted him, ran 
towards the fort, and reached it in safety. 

*' When the alarm was given, the greater part of the in- 
habitants were in the fort, but some had just gone out to 
tend their cattle. Capt. Simons, the commander, as was 
the custom every morning before prayers, was reading a 
chapter in the Bible. He immediately exclaimed, ' Rush 
out, and assist those who are out to get in.' Most of the 
men immediately rushed out, and each ran where his in- 
terest or affections led him ; the remainder chose posi- 
tions in the fort from which they could fire on the enemy. 

Those who were out, and within hearing, instantly 
started for the fort, and the Indians from every direction 
rushed into the street, filling the air with their horrid 
yells. Mrs. M'Kenney had gone to a barn, near where 
Miss Fiske's house now stands, to milk her cow. She 
was aged and corpulent, and could only walk slowly. 
When she was within a few rods of the fort, a naked 
Indian, probably the one with whom Dormer had been 
wrestling, darted from the bushes on the east side of the 
street, ran up to her, stabbed her iii the back, and crossed 



to the other side. She continued walking in the same 
steady pace as before, until she had nearly reached the 
gate of the fort, when the blood rushed from her mouth, 
and she fell and expired. John Bullard was at his barn 
below Dr. Adams' ; he ran towards the fort, but the in- 
stant he arrived at the gate, he received a shot in the 
back. He fell, was carried in, and expired in a few hours. 
Mis. Clark was at a barn, near the Todd house, about 
fifty rods distant. Leaving it, she espied an Indian near 
her, who threw away his gun, and advanced to make her 
prisoner. She gathered her clothes around her waist, and 
started for the fort. The Indian pursued ; the woman, 
animated by the cheers of her friends, outran her pursuer, 
who skulked back for his gun. Nathan Blake was at his 
barn, near where his son's house now stands. Hearing 
the cry of Indians, and presuming his barn would be 
burnt, he determined that his cattle should not be burnt 
with it. Throwing open his stable door, he let them out, 
and presuming that his retreat to the fort was cut olf, 
went out at a back door, intending to place himself in 
ambush at the only place where the river could be crossed. 
He had gone but a few steps when he was hailed by a 
party of Indians, concealed in a shop between him and 
the street. Looking back, he perceived several guns 
pointed at him, and at this instant several Indians started 
up from their places of concealment near him, upon which, 
feeling himself in their power, he gave himself up. They 
shook hands with him, and to the remark he made that he 
had not yet breakfasted, they smiling replied, 'that it 
must be a poor Englishman who could not go to Canada 
without his breakfast.' Passing a cord around his arms 
above the elbows, and fastening close to his body, they 
gave him to the care of one of the party, who conducted 
him to the woods. 

*' The number of Indians belonging to the party was 
supposed to be about one hundred. They came near the 
fort on every side, and fired whenever they supposed their 
shot would be effectual. They, however, neither killed 
nor wounded any one. The whites fired whenever an 
Indian presented himself, and several of them were seen 
to fall. Before noon the savages ceased firing, but the} 
remained several days in the vicinity." 



" In the early part of May, the same, or another party 
of Indians hovered about the settlement, watching for an 
opportunity to make prisoners, and to plunder. For sev- 
eral successive nights, the watch imagined that they heard 
some person walking around the fort. When it came to 
the turn of young M'Kenney, whose mother had been 
killed, to watch, he declared he should fire on hearing the 
least noise without the fort. In the dead of night, he 
thought he heard some person at the picket gate, endea- 
voring to ascertain its strength. Having loaded his gun, 
as was usual among the first settlers of the country, with 
two balls, and several buck shot, he fired through the gate, 
which was made of thin boards. In the morning, blood 
was discovered on the spot, and also a number of beads, 
supposed to have been cut by the shot from the wampum 
of the Indian." 

" In the spring of 1755, an Indian by the name of Philip, 
who had acquired just English enough to be understood, 
came into the town of Walpole, and visited the house of 
Mr. Kilburn, pretending to be on a hunting excursion in 
want of provisions. He was treated with kindness, and 
furnished with every thing he wanted, such as flints, flour, 
&c. Soon after he v/as gone, it was ascertained that the 
same Indian had visited all the settlements on Connecticut 
River about the same time, and with the same plausible 
pretensions of hunting. Kilburn had already learned a 
little of the Indian finesse, and suspected, as it proved, 
that this Philip was a wolf in sheep's clothing. Not long 
after, the following intelligence was communicated to all 
the forts by a friendly Indian, sent by Gen. Shirley, from 
Albany. He stated that four or five hundred Indians were 
collected in Canada, whose object it was to butcher the 
whole white population on Connecticut River. Judge, 
then, of the feelings of a few white settlers, when they 
learned the impending danger! To desert their soil, cat- 
tle, and crops of grain would be leaving their all, and to 
contend with the countless savages of the Canadian re- 
gions was a hopeless resort. But accustomed to all the 
hardships and dangers of life, they boldly resolved to 
defend themselves, or die in . the cause, Kilburn and his 
men now strengthened their defence with such fortifica- 



tions as their rude implements would allow, which con- 
sisted in surrounding their habitation with a palisado of 
stakes, stuck into the ground. 

** Col. Benjamin Bellows had at this time about thirty 
men under his command, at the fort, about a mile south 
of Kilburn's house ; but this could afford Kilburn no pro- 
tection while attending to his cattle and crops. 

" They were now daily expecting the appearance of the 
Indians, but the time of their attack no one could foresee 
or prevent. As Kilburn and his son John, in his eighteenth 
year, a man by the name of Peak, and his son, were re- 
turning home from work about noon, August 17th, 1755, 
one of -them discovered the red legs of the Indians among 
the alders, ' as thick as grasshoppers.' They instantly 
made for the house, fastened the door, and began to make 
preparations for an obstinate defence. Beside these four 
men, there were in the house Kilburn's wife, and his 
daughter Hitty, who contributed not a little to encourage 
and assist their companions, as well as to keep a watch 
upon the movements of the enemy. In about fifteen min- 
utes, the Indians were seen crawling up the bank east of 
the house ; and as they crossed a foot-path one by one, one 
hundred and ninety-seven were counted ; about the same 
number remained in ambush near the mouth of Cold 

The Indians had learned that Col. Benjamin Bellows 
with his men were at work at his mill about a mile east, 
and that it would be best to waylay and secure them, be- 
fore disturbinsr those who had taken refuge in the loor 
house. Bellows and his men, about thirty, were returning 
home with each a bag of meal on his back, when their 
dogs began to growl and betray symptoms of an enemy's 
approach. He well knew the language of his dogs, and 
the native intrigue of the Indians. Nor was he at a loss 
in forming his opinion of their intention to ambush his 
path, and conducted himself accordingly. He ordered 
all his men to throw off the meal, advance to the rise, 
carefully crawl up the bank, spring upon their feet, give 
one whoop, and instantly drop into the sweet fern. This 
manoeuvre had the desired effect; for as soon as the whoop 
was given, the Indians all arose from their ambush in a 
semi-circle around the path Bellows was to follow. 



This gave his men a fine chance for a shot, which 
they improved instantly. The first shot .so disconcerted 
the plans and expectations of the Indians that they darted 
away into the bushes without firing a gun. Bellows, find- 
ing their number too numerous for him, ordered his men 
to file off to the south, and make for the fort. The In- 
dians next made their appearance on the eminence east 
of Kilburn's house, where the same Philip, who had visited 
him the summer before, came forward, and sheltering him 
self behind a tree, called out to those in the house to 
surrender. ' Old John, young John,' says he, ' I know 
you, come out here — we give ye good quarter.' ' Q,uar- 
ter r vociferated old Kilburn, with a voice of thunder, 
that rang through every Indian heart, and every hill and 
valley, ' you black rascals, begone, or we'll quarter you !' 

" Philip then returned to his companions, and after a 
few minutes' consultation, the war-whoop commenced. 
Kilburn got the first fire, before the smoke of the enemy's 
guns obstructed his aim, and was confident he saw an 
Indian fall, which, from his extraordinary size and other 
appearances, must have been Philip. The Indians rushed 
forward to the work of destruction, and probably not less 
than four hundred bullets were lodged in Kilburn's house 
at the first fire. The roof was a perfect ' riddle sieve.' 
Some of them fell to butchering the cattle, others were 
busily employed in wantonly destroying the hay and grain, 
while a shower of bullets kept up a continual pelting 
against the house. Meanwhile, Kilburn and his men were 
by no means idle. Their powder v/as already poured into 
hats, for the convenience of loading in a hurry, and every 
thing prepared for a spirited defence or glorious death. 
They had several guns in the house, which were kept hot 
by incessant firing through the port holes, and as they had 
no ammunition to spare, each one took special aim to 
have every bullet tell. The women assisted in loading the 
guns, and when their stock of lead grew short, they had 
the forethought to suspend blankets in the roof of the 
house, to catch the enemy's balls, which were immediately 
run into bullets by them, and sent back to the savages 
with equal velocity. Several attempts were made to burst 
open the doors, but the bullets within scattered death with 



such profusion that they were soon compelled to desist 
from the rash undertaking. Most of the time the Indians 
endeavored to keep behind stumps, logs, and trees, which 
evidently evinced that they were not insensible to the un- 
ceremonious visits of Kilburn's bullets. 

"All the afternoon, one incessant firing was kept up, 
till nearly sundown, when the Indians began to disappear, 
and as the sun sunk behind the western hills, the sound 
of the guns and the cry of the war-whoop died away in 
silence. This day's rencounter proved an effectual check 
to the expedition of the Indians, and induced them imme- 
diately to return to Canada; and it is within the bounds 
of reason to conclude that this matchless defence was 
instrumental in rescuing hundreds of our fellow-citizens 
from the horrors of an Indian massacre." 

"In the summer of 1745, about thirty Indians, well 
armed, came to North Yarmouth, Me., and secreted them- 
selves under a fence, between the two forts, which were 
a mile apart. As Philip Greely was passing, early tiie 
next morning, from one to the other, they shot him, 
and retired. Had they not been discovered by means of 
his dog, they would probably have let him pass unhurt 
But since an alarm would inevitably be given, either by 
him, if permitted to escape, or by the report of their guns, 
if they killed him, they preferred the latter alternative ; 
and though he lost his life, the garrisons were both left 
unmolested. Not far distant, at Flying Point, they broke 
down the door, and entered the house of one Maines, 
about break of day, before the family were out of bed. 
The good man made a brave personal resistance, in which 
he was himself slain. A young child of his was also 
killed in its mother's arms, by a bullet, which, at the same 
time, wounded her in the breast. Aroused by the tumult, 
a man, lodging in the chamber, fired upon the assailants, 
shot down one of them, and so alarmed the rest that they 
fled out of the house, taking with them a young daughter, 
panic struck and freezing with horror. The thoughtful 
woman, thus left for a moment, barred the door, and 
thereby escaped a cruel death, or a more cruel captivity. 
The affrighted girl they carried captive to Canada. De- 
termined, however, not to leave North Yarmouth till they 



had more effectually executed their purpose, they selected 
an ambush near the meeting-house, from which they fired 
upon three men, who were in company ; one of them, 
Ebenezer Eaton, they killed and scalped ; another was 
made prisoner, and the third, escaping, carried the tidings 
to the fort. The Indians then spreading themselves along 
the ridge a little farther back, recommenced a discharge 
of their muskets upon the houses below, and upon such 
of the men as rushed out with their arms towards the 
place where they had heard the report of guns, and con- 
tinued firing until fears of a rencounter induced them to 

What a melancholy exhibition of the human heart is 
here given ! Who could have believed that mankind 
were capable of such deceit, treachery, and savage bar- 
barity? Surely, though made upright, tliey have sought 
out many inventions — many methods of doing evil. And 
how clear is the proof that the hearts of men must be 
renewed before they are fitted to go and dwell in a heaven 
of perfect purity and love ! 

And will any, after reading this chapter, conclude that 
they are not the children of God, because their trials are 
peculiar ? Were not the trials of our pious ancestors 
peculiar ? Where, in all history, are to be found the same 
trials in nature and extent ? Let our afflictions be what 
they may^ they afford no decisive evidence that we are not 
the children of God. 



A FEW" of those who were captivated by the Indians 
have left a written relation of what befell them. Rev. John 
Williams, who was taken at Deerfield, Mass., wrote an in- 
teresting narrative of his capture and sufferings in a small 
work, entitled, The RedeexAied Captive returning to 
Zion" The following is the narrative. 



On Tuesday, February 29, 1704, not long before break 
of day, the enemy came in upon us like a flood, our watch 
being unfaithful. They came to my house in the beginning 
of the onset, and by their violent endeavors to break open 
doors and windows, with axes and hatchets, awakened me 
out of sleep; on which I leaped out of bed, and running 
towards the door, perceived the enemy making their en- 
trance into the house. I called to awaken two soldiers in 
the chamber, and returning towards my bed-side for my 
arms, the enemy immediately broke into the room, I judge, 
to the number of twenty, with painted faces and hideous 
acclamations. I reached up my hands to the bed-tester for 
my pistol, uttering a short petition to God for everlasting 
mercies for me and mine, on account of the merits of our 
glorified Redeemer, expecting a present passage through 
the valley of the shadow of death ; saying in myself, as 
Isaiah, xxxviii. 10,11, ^ I said, in the cutting off of my 
days, I shall go to the gates of the grave. I am deprived 
of the residue of my years. I said, I shall not see the 
Lord, even in the land of the living; I shall hrhold man 
no more with the inhabitants of the world.' Taking down 
my pistol, I cocked it, and put it to the breast of the first 
Indian that came up ; but my pistol missing fire, 1 was 
seized by three Indians, who disarm.ed me, and bound me 
naked, as I was in my shirt, and so I stood nearly an hour ; 
binding me, they told me they would carry me to Quebec. 
My pistol missing fire, was an occasion of my life being 
preserved. One of the three who took me, who was a 
captain, received a mortal shot from my next neighbor's 

*' I cannot relate the distressing care I had for my dear 
wife, who had lain in but a few weeks before, and for my 
poor children, family and neighbors. The enemy fell to 
rifling the house, and entered in great numbers into every 
room in the house. I begged of God to remember mercy 
in the midst of judgment; that he would so far restrain 
their wrath as to prevent their murdering us ; that we 
might have grace to glorify his name, whether in life or 
death ; and, as I was able, committed our state to God. 
Those who entered the house, insulted over me awhile, 
holding up hatchets over my head, threatening to burn all 



I had ; but God, beyond expectation, made us in a great 
measure to be pitied ; for though some were so cruel and 
barbarous as to take to the door two of my children and a 
negro woman, and murder them ; yet they gave me liberty 
to put on my clothes, keeping me bound with a cord on 
one arm, till I put on my clothes to the other ; and then 
changing my cord, they let me dress myself, and then 
pinioned me again. They gave liberty to my dear wife to 
dress herself and our children. About sun an hour high, we 
were all carried out of the house, for a march ; saw many 
of the houses of my neighbors in flames, and perceived that 
the whole fort, with the exception of one house, was taken. 
Who can tell what sorrows pierced our souls, when we saw 
ourselves carried away from God's sanctuary, to go into a 
strange land, exposed to so many trials! the journey being 
at least three hundred miles ; the snow up to the knees, and 
we not inured to such hardships and trials ; the place to 
which we were to be carried, a popish country. On leav- 
ing the town, they fired my house and barn. We were 
carried over the river (Deerfield River) to the foot of the 
mountain, about a mile from my house, where we found a 
great number of our neighbors, men, women and children, 
to the number of one hundred; nineteen of whom were 
afterwards murdered by the way, and two starved to death, 
near Coos, in a time of great scarcity or famine the sav- 
ages underwent there. When we came to the foot of the 
mountain, they took away our shoes, and gave us in room 
of them Indian shoes, to prepare us for our journey. 
While we were there, the English beat out a company 
which remained in the town, and pursued the enemy to 
the river, killing and wounding many of them; but the 
English, being few in number, were repulsed by the body 
of the army. 

"After this, we went up the mountain, and saw the smoke 
of the fires in the town, and beheld the awful desolations 
of Deerfield. Before we marched any farther, they killed 
a sucking child of the English, We did not travel far the 
first day ; and God made the heathen so to pity our children, 
that, although they had several wounded persons of their 
own to carry on their shoulders, they carried those of our 
children who were incapable of travelling, in their arms, 



and upon their shoulders. When we came to our lodging 
place the first night, they dug away the snow, made some 
wigwams, cut down some branches of spruce-tree to lie on, 
and gave the prisoners something to eat; but we had little 
appetite. I was pinioned and bound down that night, and 
on each succeeding night, while I was with the army. 
Some of the enemy who brought spirituous liquor with 
them from the town, fell to drinking, and, in their drunken 
fit, killed my negro man. 

"In the night, an Englishman made his escape; in the 
morning I was called for, and ordered by the general to tell 
the English, that if any more made their escape, they would 
burn the rest of the prisoners. He that took me, was 
unwilling to let me speak with any of the prisoners, as we 
marched ; but on the morning of the second day, he being 
appointed to guard the rear, I was put into the hands of my 
other master, who permitted me to speak to my wife, w^hen 
I overtook her, and to walk with her to help her in her 
journey. On the way, we discoursed on the happiness of 
those who had a right to a house not made icith hand.i, eter- 
nal in the heavens, and who had a God for a Father and 
Friend, and mentioned that it was our reasonable duty 
quietly to submit to the will of God, and to say, The will of 
the Lord he done. My wife told me that her strength of 
body began to fail, and that I must expect to part with her, 
saying, she hoped God would preserve my life, and the life 
of some, if not of all our children, and commended to me, 
under God, the care of them. She never spake a discon- 
tented word as to what had befallen us, but with suitable 
expressions justified God in what had happened. We soon 
made a halt, in which time my chief surviving master came 
up, when I was put upon marching with the foremost ; and 
so I was made to take my last farewell of my dear wife, the 
desire of my eyes, and my companion in many mercies and 
afllictions. Upon our separation, we asked for each other 
grace sufiicient for what God should call us to. After we 
were parted, she spent the few remaining minutes of her 
stay in reading the holy Scriptures, which she was wont 
personally every day to delight her soul in reading ; pray- 
ing over and meditating thereon, by herself, in her closet, 
besides hearing them read in our family worship. I was 




made to wade over a small river, (Green River,) and so 
were all the English, the water being above knee deep, and 
the stream very swift, and to travel up a small mountain ; 
before I came to the top of it, my strength was almost spent. 
When I had overcome the difficulty of that ascent, I was 
permitted to sit down, and to be unburdened of my pack. 
I sat pitying those who were behind, and entreated my mas- 
ter to let me go down and help my wife ; but he refused, 
and would not let me stir from him. I asked each of the 
prisoners, as they passed by me, after her, and heard that, 
in passing through the afore-mentioned river, she fell down, 
and was plunged over head and ears in water ; after which 
she did not travel far, for at the foot of the mountain, the 
cruel and blood-thirsty savage who took her, slew her with 
his hatchet at one stroke, the tidings of which were very 
awful ; and yet, such was the hard-heartedness of the ad- 
versary, that my tears were reckoned to me as a reproac'n. 
My loss, and the loss of my children was great, and our 
hearts were so filled with sorrow, that nothing but the cova 
fortable hope of her being taken away in mercy to hersc] 
from the evils we were to see, and feel, and suffer under, 
and the belief that she was joined to the assembly of the 
spirits of just men made perfect, to rest in peace, and joi/ 
unspeakable and full of glory , and the good pleasure of the 
Lord thus to exercise us^ could have kept us from sinking 
under our affliction. That passage of Scripture, — Naked 
came I out of my mother's womb, and naked shcdl I return 
thither ; the Lord gave, and the Lord hath taken away ; 
blessed be the name of the Lord, — was brought to my mind 
with some other texts of Scripture, together with the 
thought that an afiicting God is to be glorified, to persuade 
to a patient bearing of my affliction. 

" We were again called upon to march, which I did 
with a far heavier burden on my spirits than on my back. 
1 begged of God so to overrule in his providence that the 
corpse of one so dear to me, and one whose spirit he had 
taken to dwell with him in glory, might have a Christian 
burial, and not be left for meat to the fowls of the air and 
the beasts of the earth ; a mercy which God graciously 
vouchsafed to grant. For he put it into the hearts of my 
neighbors, soon after, to come out to the place where she 



lay, take up the corpse, carry it back to the town, and de- 
cently bury it. In our march they killed a sucking infant 
of one of our neighbors, and, before night, a girl, about 
eleven years of age. I mourned to see my flock so far a 
flock of slaughter, many being slain in the town, and a 
number having been murdered since we left; and I was 
distressed to think of what we must yet expect from those 
who delightfully imbrued their hands in our blood. When 
we came to our lodging^place, an Indian captain from the 
eastward consulted my master about killing me, and taking 
off my scalp. I lifted up my heart to God, and implored 
his grace and mercy in such a time of need. I afterwards 
told my master that if he intended to kill me, I desired 
that he would let me know of it, assuring him at the same 
time, that my death, after a promise of quarter, would 
bring the guilt of blood upon him. He told me that he 
would not kill me. We then laid down and slept, for the 
k Lord sustained and kept us. 

*' In the morning, March 2, we were all called before 
the chief sachems, that a more equal distribution of the 
prisoners might be made. On leaving the wigwam, my 
best clothing was taken from me. As I came near the 
place appointed for us to assemble, some of the captives 
met me, and told me that they thought our enemies were 
going to burn us, for they had peeled off the bark from 
several trees, and acted very strangely. To whom I re- 
plied, that they could do nothing against us, but as they 
were permitted of God, and that I was persuaded he would 
prevent such severities. When we came to the wigwam 
appointed, several w^ere taken from their former masters, 
and put into the hands of others ; but I was sent again to 
my two masters who brought me from my house. 

''On our fourth day's march, March 3, the enemy killed 
another of my neighbors, who, being near the time of her 
travail, was wearied with her journey. When we came 
to the great river, (the Connecticut,) the enemy took 
hand-sleighs to draw their wounded, several of our children, 
and their packs, and marched a great pace. I travelled 
many hours in water up to my ankles. Near night I was 
very lame, having, previous to commencing my journey, 
wrenched my ankle-bone and sinews, /thought, and so 



did others, that I should not hold out to go far. Ilifted 
up my heart to God, my only refuge, to remove my lame- 
ness, and carry me through, with my children and neigh- 
bors, if he judged best; however, I desired that God 
would be with me in my great and last change, if he 
should call me by such a death to glorify him ; and that 
he would take care of my children and neighbors, and bless 
them. In a short time, I was well of my lameness, to the 
joy of my neighbors, who saw a great alteration in my 

"On Saturday, March 4th, the journey was long and 
tedious, and we travelled with such speed that four women 
became so wearied that they were killed by those who led 
them captive. 

"On the Sabbath, March 5th, we rested, and I was 
permitted to pray, and to preach to the captives. The 
passage of Scripture spoken from was Lam. i. 18. The 
Lord is righteous, for I have rebelled against his com- 
mandment : hear, I pray you, all people, and behold my 
sorrow : my virgins and my young men are gone into cap- 
tivity. We had this revival in our bondage, to join toge- 
ther in the worship of God, and to encourage one another 
patiently to bear the indignation of the Lord, till he should 
plead our cause. When we arrived at New France, (Ca 
nada,) we were forbidden to pray one with another, or to 
join together in the service of God. 

" Monday, March 6th. Soon after we marched, we had 
an alarm; on which, many of the English were bound. 
As I was near the front, and my master was not with me, 
I was not bound. The alarm was occasioned by some 
Indians shooting at geese that flew over them. They were 
thrown into considerable consternation and fright; but 
when they came to understand that they were not pursued 
by the English, they boasted that they would not come out 
after them. They killed this day two women, who were 
so faint they could not travel. 

"Tuesday, March 7th. In the morning, before we 
started on our way, a pious young woman, Mrs, Mary 
Brooks, came to the wigwam where I was, and told me 
that she desired to bless God, who had inclined the heart 
of her master to let her come and take her farewell of 



me. Said she, ' By my falls upon the ice yesterday, I in- 
jured myself so as to cause a miscarriage last night. I 
am not able to travel far, and I know they will kill me to- 
day ; but,' said she, 'God has (praised be his name) by 
his word and Spirit, strengthened me to my last encounter 
with death.' She then mentioned some passages of Scrip- 
ture which had been suggested to her mind for her sup- 
port, and added, * I am not afraid of death : I can, through 
the grace of God, cheerfully submit to his will. Pray for 
me,' said she, at parting, * that God would take me to 
himself Accordingly, she was killed that day. 

" The next day, March 8th, we were separated one from 
another into small companies ; and one of my children 
was carried away with Indians belonging to the eastern 
parts. At night, my master came to me with my pistol in 
his hand, and put it to my breast, and said, ' Now I will 
kill you, for you would have killed me with it if you 
could.' But by the grace of God, I was not much daunt- 
ed, and whatever his intention might be, God prevented 
my death. 

Thursday, March 9th. I was again permitted to pray 
with my fellow-captives, and we were allowed to sing a 
psalm together ; after which I was taken from the company 
of all the English, excepting two children of my neighbors, 
one of whom, a girl four years of age, was killed by her 
Macqua master the next morning — the snow being so deep, 
when we left the river,* that he could not carry the child 
and his pack too. 

" The next Sabbath, March 12th, one Indian and a little 
boy staid with me, while the rest went a hunting. While 
here, I thought with myself that God had now separated 
me from the congregation of his people, who were now in 
his sanctuary, where he commandeth the blessing, even 
life forevcrmore. I was led to bewail my unfruitfulness 
under, and unthankfulness for, such a mercy. My spirit 
was almost overwhelmed within me, at the consideration 

* " The parties were divided into small companies at the mouth 
of White River. Some of them, with Mr. Williams, followed up 
this river over the Green Mountain. Another party, with one of 
his children, took a north-eastern direction, and followed up the 
Coainecticut." — Williams' Memoir^ p. 40. 



of what had passed over me, and of wliat I had yet to 
expect. I was almost ready to sink under it ; but I was 
greatly strengthened and supported by these texts of scrip- 
ture : ' I shall not die, but live, and declare the works of 
the Lord. Why art thou cast down, O my soul ? and why 
art thou disquieted within me? Hope thou in God; for 1 
shall yet praise him, who is the health of my countenance, 
and my God. Remember, I beseech thee, the word that 
thou commandedst thy servant Moses, saying, If ye trans- 
gress, I will scatter you abroad among the nations: but if 
ye turn unto me, ana keep my commandments, and do 
them, though there were of you cast out unto the utter- 
most part of heaven, yet will I gather them from thence, 
and will bring them unto the place that I have chosen, to 
set my name there.' These three passages of scripture, 
one after another, by the grace of God, strengthened my 
hopes that God would so far restrain the wrath of the 
adversary, that the greatest number of us left alive should 
be carried through so tedious a journey. Though my 
children had no ftither to take care of them, these words 
quieted me to a patient waiting to see the end the Lord 
would make. 'Leave thy fatherless children, I will pre- 
serve them alive, and let thy widows trust in me.' Ac- 
cordingly, God carried them wonderfully through great 
difficulties and dangers. My youngest daughter, aged 
seven years, was carried all the journey, and looked after 
with a great deal of tenderness. My youngest son, aged 
four years, was wonderfully preserved from death ; for 
although those w^ho carried him, or drew him on sleighs, 
were tired with their journeys, yet their savage, cruel 
tempers were so overruled by God that they did not kill 
him, but in their pity he was spared, until at last he arrived 
in Montreal, where a French gentlewoman, pitying the 
child, redeemed it out of the hands of the heathen. My 
son Samuel, and my eldest daughter were pitied, so as to 
be drawn on sleighs, when unable to travel. And although 
they suffered very much through scarcity of food, and 
tedious journeys, they were carried through to MontreaL 
And my son Stephen, about eleven years of age, was won- 
derfully preserved from death, in the famine whereof 
three English persons died, and after eight months he was 
brought into Shamblee. 



" My master returned on the evening of the Sabbath, 
and told me that he had killed five moose. The next day 
we were removed to the place where he killed them. We 
tarried there three days, till we had roasted and dried 
the meat. My master made me a pair of snow-shoes, and 
said to me, * You cannot possibly travel without them 
the snow being knee deep. We left this place heavy laden, 
and I travelled with snow-shoes, and a burden on my back, 
twenty-five miles the first day. 1 travelled again the next 
day till afternoon, when we came to the French (or Onion) 
River. At this place my master took away my pack, and 
drew the whole load on the ice ; but my bones seemed to 
be misplaced, and I was unable to travel with any speed. 
My feet were very sore, and each night I wrung blood out 
of my stockings, when I pulled them otF. My shins also 
were very sore, having been cut with the crust upon the 
snow, while travelling without snow-shoes. But finding 
some dry oak leaves by the bank of the river, I put them 
on my shins, and after one application they were healed. 
And here my master was very kind to me, always giving 
me the best he had to eat ; and through the goodness of 
God, I never wanted a meal of victuals during my captivi- 
ty, though some of my children and neighbors suffered 
much from famine and pinching want ; having for many 
days nothing but roots to live upon, and but a small share 
of them. My master gave me a piece of a bible, and 
never disturbed me while reading the scriptures, or while 
praying to God. Many of my neighbors had bibles, psalm 
books, catechisms, and other good books put into their 
hands, with liberty to read them. But after their arrival 
at Canada, all possible endeavors were used to deprive 
them of them. 

" My march on the French River was very tedious ; for 
fearing a thaw, we travelled a very great pace. My feet 
were so bruised, and my joints so distorted by travelling 
in snow-shoes, that I thought it impossible for me to hold 
out. One morning a little before day break, my master 
came and awaked me out of sleep, saying, * Arise, pray 
to God, and eat your breakfast, for we must go a great 
way to-day.' After prayer, I arose from my knees, but 
ray feet were so tender, swollen, bruised, and full of pain, 



that I could scarcely stand on them without holding on 
upon the wigwam. When the Indians said, ' You must 
run to-day,' I answered, 'I cannot run;' my master point- 
ing to his hatchet, said, ' Then I must dash out your 
brains, and take off your scalp.' I said, ' I suppose then 
that you will do so, for I am not able to travel with speed.' 
He sent me away alone on the ice. About sun half an 
hour high, he overtook me, for I had travelled very slowly, 
not thinking it possible for me to go five miles. When he 
came up, he called upon me to run ; I told him I could 
go no faster ; he passed by me without saying another 
word ; so that sometimes during the day I scarcely saw 
any thing of him for an hour together. I travelled from 
about day break until dark, and did not so much as sit 
down at noon to eat warm victuals ; eating frozen meat 
which I had in my coat pocket, as I went on my way. 
We travelled that day two of their days' journeys, as they 
came down. I judge that we passed over the distance of 
forty or forty-five miles. God wonderfully supported me, 
and so far renewed my strength, that in the afternoon I 
was stronger to travel than in the forenoon. My strength 
was renewed to admiration. We should never distrust the 
care and compassion of God, who can give strength to 
those who have no might, and power to them who are 
ready to faint. 

" When we entered on the lake, the ice was rough and 
uneven, which was very painful to my feet, which could 
scarcely bear to be set down on the smooth ice on the 
river. I lifted up my cry to God in ejaculatory requests 
that he would take notice of my state, and some way or 
other relieve me. I had not travelled more than half a 
mile before there fell a moist snow, about an inch and a 
half deep, which made it very soft for my feet to pass over 
the lake, to the place where my master's family was. 
Wonderful favors in the midst of trying afflictions ! We 
went a day's journey from the lake, to a small company 
of Indians, who were hunting ; they were, after their 
manner, kind to me, giving me the best they had, which 
was moose flesh, ground-nuts, .and cranberries, but no 
bread. For three weeks together, I ate no bread. After 
remaining here awhile, and undergoing difficulties in cut- 



ting wood, and suffering from lousiness, having lousy old 
clothes, that had belonged to soldiers, put on to me when 
they stripped me of mine, to sell to the French soldiers 
in the army, we again began to march for Shamblee. We 
staid at a branch of the lake, and feasted two or three 
days on geese we killed there. After another day's travel 
we came to a river where the ice was thawed. We here 
made a canoe of elm bark, in one day, and arrived on 
Saturday, near noon, at Shamblee, where was a garrison 
and fort of French soldiers. 


This village is about fifteen miles from Montreal. 
The French were very kind to me. A gentleman of the 
place took me into his house and to his table, and lodged 
me at night on a good feather bed. The officers and in- 
habitants treated me in a very obliging manner, the little 
time I staid with them, and promised to write a letter to 
the governor of Canada to inform him of my passage down 
the river. Here I saw a girl who was taken from Deer- 
field, and a young man, who informed me that the greatest 
part of the captives had come in ; that two of my children 
were at Montreal; and that many of the captives had come 
in, three weeks before my arrival. Mercy in the midst of 
judgment! As we passed along the river towards Sorel, 
we went into a house where there was an English woman 
of our town, who had been left among the French, in 
order to her conveyance to the Indian fort. The French 
were very kind to her and to myself, and gave us the best 
provision they had. She embaiked with us to go down to 
the fort at St. Francois. When we came down to the first 
inhabited house in Sorel, a French woman came to the 
river side, and desired us to go into her house. When we 
had entered, she compassionated our condition, and told 
us that in the last war she had been a captive among the 
Indians, and therefore was not a little sensible of our diffi 
culties. She gave the Indians something to eat in the 
chimney corner, and spread a cloth on the table for us 
with napkins; which gave such offence to the Indians, 
that they hasted away, and would not call in at the fort. 



Wherever we entered into houses, the French were very 
courteous. When we came to St. Francois River, we 
found some difficulty by reason of the ice ; and entering 
into a Frenchman's house,* he gave us a loaf of bread and 
some fish to carry away with us. We passed down the 
river till night, and there seven of us supped on a fish 
called bullhead or pout, and did not eat it up, the fish was 
so very large. 

" The next morning we met with such a large quantity 
of ice, that we were forced to leave our canoe, and travel 
On land. We went to a French officer's house, who took 
us into a private room, out of the sight of the Indians, and 
treated us very courteously. That night we arrived at 
Fort St. Francois, where we found several poor children 
who had been taken from the eastward the summer before: 
a sight very affecting, they being in their habits and man- 
ners very much conformed to the Indians. At this fort 
lived two Jesuits, one of whom was afterwards made supe- 
rior of the Jesuits at Quebec. One of these Jesuits met 
me at the fort gate, and asked me to go into the church 
and give God thanks for preserving my life. I told him 
that I would do that in some other place. When the bell 
rang for evening prayers, he that took me, bade me go ; 
but I refused. The Jesuit came to our wigwam and of- 
fered a short prayer, and invited me to sup with them. He 
justified the Indians in what they had done against us, re- 
hearsing some things done by Major Waldron, more than 
thirty years ago, and how justly God retaliated them in the 
last war. 

" The next morning the bell rang for mass; my master 
bade me go to church. I refused. He threatened me, 
and went away in a rage. At noon, the Jesuits sent to me 
to dine with them, for I ate at their table all the time I was 
at the fort. After dinner they told me that the Indians 
would not allow any of their captives to stay at their wig- 
wams while they were at church, and that they were re- 
solved by force and violence to bring us all to church, if 
we would not go without. I told them that it was very un- 
reasonable so to impose upon those who were of a contra- 
ry religion, and to force us to be present at a service we 
abhorred, was nothing becoming Christianity They re- 



plied, * that they were savages, and would not liearken to 
reason, but would have their own wills.' They said also, 
* that if they were in New England, they would go into 
our churches to see our ways of worship.' I replied, that 
the case was very different, for there was nothing (them- 
selves being judges) as to matter or manner of worship in 
our churches but what was according to the word of God, 
and therefore it could not be an offence to any man's con- 
science; but that among them there were idolatrous su- 
perstitions in worship. They said, ' Come and see, and 
offer us conviction of what is superstitious in worship.' 
To this I answered, that I was not to do evil that good 
might come, and that force in matters of religion was 
hateful. They answered, ' The Indians are resolved to 
have it so, and we cannot pacify them unless you come. 
We will engage that they shall offer no violence to cause 
your compliance with our ceremonies.' The next mass, 
my mjister bade me go to the church. I objected. He rose, 
and forcibly pulled me by my head and shoulders out of 
the wigwam to the church, which was near the door. So 
I went in and sat down behind the door, and there saw 
great confusion, instead of any gospel order ; for one of 
the Jesuits was at the altar, saying mass in a tongue un- 
known to the savages, and the other was between the altar 
and the door, saying and singing prayers among the In- 
dians at the same time ; and many others were at the same 
time saying over their paternosters and Ave Maria's, by 
tale, from their beads, on a string. When we came out, 
I smiled at their ceremonies, which offended them, and 
they said that I made a derision of their worship. A day 
or two after, the Jesuits asked me what I thought of their 
mode of worship, now that I had seen it. I told them that 
I thought Christ said of it, Howbeit, in vain do ye ivorsMp 
me, teaching for doctrines the commandments of men. For^ 
laying aside the commandment of God, ye hold the tradi- 
tion of men, as the loashing of pots and cups ; and many 
other such like things ye do. And he said unto them. Full 
well ye reject the commandment of God, that ye may keep 
your own tradition. They told me that they were not 
the commandments of men, but apostolical traditions, of 
equal authority with the holy scriptures ; that after my 



death, I should bewail my not praying to the Virgin Mary, 
and that I should find the want of her intercession for me 
with her Son; judging me to hell, for asserting that the 
scriptures were a perfect rule of faith, I told them that 
it was my comfort that Christ, and not they, was to be my 
judge at the great day. 

''One day a squaw, named Ruth, who had been taken 
prisoner in Philip's war, who had lived at Weathersfield, 
who could speak English very well, and who had often 
been at my house, being now proselyted to the Romish 
faith, came into the wigwam, accompanied by an English 
maid, who was taken in the last war, who was dressed in 
Indian apparel, and unable to speak one word of English. 
She said she could neither tell her own name, or the 
name of the place from whence she was taken. These 
two talked with my master a long time in the Indian 
dialect, after which he bade me cross myself I told 
him that I would not. He commanded me several times, 
and I as often refused. Ruth said, ' Mr. Williams, you 
are acquainted with the scriptures, and therefore you act 
against your own light ; for you know that the scriptures say, 
Servants, obey your masters. He is your master, and you 
are his servant.' I told her that she was ignorant of the 
scriptures; stating that T was not to disobey the great God 
to obey my master, and that I was ready to die in suffering 
for God, if called thereto. She then talked with my mas- 
ter, and I suppose interpreted what I said. He took my 
hand to force me to cross myself; but I struggled with 
him, and would not suffer him to guide my hand. He 
then pulled a crucifix from off his neck, and bade me kiss 
it ; but I refused once and again. He told me that he 
would dash out my brains with his hatchet if I refused, 1 
replied that I should sooner choose death than to sin 
against God. He then ran and took up his hatchet, and 
acted as though he would dash out my brains ; but seeing 
that I was unmoved, he threw down his hatchet, saying 
that he would first bite off my nails, if I still refused, I 
gave him my hand, and told him that I was ready to suffer. 
He set his teeth into my thumb-nail, and gave a gripe, and 
then said, 'No good minister — no love God — as bad as the 
devil and so left me. I have reason to bless God, who 



Strengthened me to withstand this trial. My master was 
so much discouraged by it, that he meddled with me no 
more about my religion. I asked leave of the Jesuits to 
pray with the English of our town who were with me : but 
they absolutely refused to give us any permission to pray 
one with another, and they did what they could to prevent 
our having any discourse together. 

'* After a few days. Gov. De Vaudreuil sent down two 
men with letters to the Jesuits, desiring them to order 
my being sent to him at Montreal. Accordingly, one of 
the Jesuits went with my two masters, and took me along 
with them. They also took two more who were from Deer- 
field — a man, and his daughter, about seven years of age. 
When we came to the lake, the wind was tempestuous and 
contrary, so that we were afraid to go over. They landed 
and kindled a fire, and said they would wait awhile, and 
see whether the wind would fall or change. I went aside 
from the company among the trees, and spread our case 
before God, and plead that he would so order the season 
that we might not be obliged to return, but that we might 
be furthered on our voyage, that I might have an opportu- 
nity to see my children and neighbors, converse with them, 
and know their state. When I returned, the wind was 
more boisterous than before. I retired a second time ; but 
when I came back, the wind was more violent than ever. 
I now reflected upon myself for my unquietness and want 
of resignation to the will of God. I went the third time, 
and bewailed before God my anxious cares and the tumul- 
tuous workings of my own heart, pleading for a will fully 
resigned to the will of God ; and I thought that by his 
grace I was brought to say amm to whatever he should de- 
termine. When I returned to the company, the wind was 
yet high, and the Jesuit and my master said, * Come, we 
will go back again to the fort ; for there is no likelihood 
of our proceeding in the voyage, for very frequently such 
a wind continues three days, sometimes six.' I said to 
them, The ivill of the Lord be done. The canoe was put 
again into the river, and we embarked. No sooner had 
my master put me into the canoe, and put off from the 
shore, than the wind fell ; and when we came into the 
middle of the river, they said, * We can go over the 

CHAP. Vin.] 



lake well enough and so we did. I then promised that 
if God gave me opportunity, I would stir up others to glo 
rify him by committing their straits of heart, persevering- 
ly, to him. He is a prayer-hearing God, and the stormy 
winds obey him. After we had passed over the lake, the 
French, wherever we came, treated us very compassion- 


"When I arrived at Montreal, which was eight weeks 
after I was captivated, the governor, De Vaudreuil, re- 
deemed me out of the hands of the Indians, gave me good 
clothing, took me to his table, gave me the use of a good 
chamber, and was, in all respects, as it related to my out- 
ward man, courteous and charitable to admiration. At my 
first entering into his house, he sent for my two children, 
who were in the city, that I might see them, and promised 
to do what he could to get all my children and neighbors 
out of the hands of the savages. My change of diet, after 
the difficulties of my journeys, brought on a slight sick- 
ness, for which I was bled and physicked, and had very 
tender care taken of me. The governor redeemed my el- 
dest daughter out of the hands of the Indians, and she was 
carefully tended in the hospital until she was well of her 
lameness, and respectably provided for by the governor 
during her stay in the country. My youngest child was 
redeemed by a lady in the city, as the Indians passed by. 
After the Indians had been to their fort and conversed with 
the priests, they came back and offered the lady a man for 
the child, alleging that the child could not be profitable 
to her, but that the man would, for he was a weaver, and 
his service would greatly advance the design she had of 
making cloth. But God so overruled, in his providence, 
that they did not prevail with her to make an exchange. 
The governor gave orders to certain officers to get the rest 
of my children out of the hands of the Indians, and as 
many of my neighbors as they could. After six weeks, a 
merchant in the city obtained my eldest son that was ta- 
ken captive, and took him to live with him. He took a 
great deal of pains to persuade the savages to part with 
him. An Indian came to the city from Coos, and brought 



word that my son Stephen was near that place. A sum of 
money was put into his hands for his redemption, and lie 
had the promise of full satisfaction if he brought him; but 
the Indian proved unfaithful, and I did not see my child 
till a year after. 

" The governor ordered a priest to go along with me to 
see my youngest daughter, who was among the Macquas, 
and endeavor to obtain her ransom. He went with me, 
and was very courteous to me. When we came to his 
parish, which was near the Macqua fort, he wrote a let- 
ter to the Jesuit, desiring him to send my child to see 
me. The Jesuit wrote back a letter, stating that I should 
not be permitted to see nor speak with my child ; that if 
I came, my labor would be lost, and that the Macquas 
would as soon part with their hearts as my child. On my 
return to the city, I, with a heavy heart, carried the Je- 
suit's letter to the governor, who, after reading it, was very 
angry. He endeavored to comfort me, assuring me that I 
should see the child, and speak with it ; and that he would 
use his best endeavors to procure its ransom. According- 
ly, he sent to the Jesuits who resided in the city, instruct- 
ing them to use their influence in obtaining the child. 
After some days, he went with me in person to the fort. 
When we arrived, he conversed with the Jesuits ; after 
which, my child was brought into the chamber where I 
was. I was told that I might speak with her, but that I 
should not be permitted to speak to any other. English 
person present. My child was about seven years old. I 
conversed with her near an hour. She could read very 
well, and had not foraotten what she had learned from the 
catechism. She was very desirous of being redeemed 
out of the hands of the Macquas, and bemoaned her state 
among them. I told her that she must pray to God for 
grace every day. She said that she did as she was able, 
and that God helped her. ' But,' said she, ' they force me 
to say prayers in Latin, but I do not understand one word 
of them. I hope it won't do me any harm.' I told her 
that she must be careful that she did not forget her cate- 
chism and the passages of scripture she had learned. 1 
saw her a few days after, in the city, but had but little time 
with her. What time I had, I improved in giving her the 



best advice I could. The governor labored much to pro- 
cure her redemption : at last, he had the promise of it, in 
case he would procure for them an Indian girl in her stead. 
Accordingly, he sent up the river several hundred miles, to 
obtain one, but when it was offered by the governor, it was 
refused. He offered them a hundred pieces of eight for 
her redemption ; but it was refused. His lady went over, 
and endeavored to beg the child, but all in vain.* 

*' When I had conversed with the child, and was coming 
out of the fort, I saw some of my poor neighbors, who 
stood with longing expectations to see and speak with me, 
and they had leave of their savage masters so to do. But 
the Jesuit thrust me along by force, and 1 was permitted 
only to speak to them respecting some of their relations, 
and that with a very audible voice, not being permitted to 
come near to them. 

" I was not permitted so much as to pray with the En- 
glish who dwelt in the same house with me ; and the English 
who came to see me, were most of them put back by the 
guard at the door, and v;ere not suffered to speak with me. 
When I went into the city, (a favor which the governor 
never refused when I asked it,) there were spies to watch 
me, and to observe whether I spoke to the English. I told 
some of the English that they must be careful to call to 
mind and improve the instruction they had formerly re- 
ceived. I requested the governor that no forcible means 
might be used with any of the captives respecting their 
religion. He replied that he allowed no such thing. 

When I first came to Montreal, the governor told me 
that I should be sent home as soon as Capt. Battis re- 

^ " At the time Mr. Williams was redeemed, this daughter (Eu 
nice) was left 'among the Indians, and no mone}'- could procure her 
redemption. She soon forgot the English language, became an 
Indian in her habits, married an Indian, who assumed the name of 
Williams, and had several children by him. Some years after this, 
she visited Deerfield in her Indian dress. She attended meeting 
in her father's church while here, and her friends dressed her in 
the English fashion. She indignantly threw off her clothes in the 
afternoon, and resumed the Indian blanket. Every effort was used 
to persuade her to leave the Indians and remain among her rela- 
tions, but in vain. She preferred the mode of life and the haunts 
of the Indians, to the unutterable grief of Mr. Williams and her 
relations." — Williams' Memoir, p. 53. 



turned, and not before ; and that I was captured in order 
to his redemption. He sought by every means to divert 
me from my sorrows, and always sliowed a wiljingness for 
me to see my children. One day I told him I designed 
walking into the city, he answ^ered pleasantly, ' Go, with 
all my heart.' Within a short time I was ordered to go 
down to Quebec. While we were at dinner one day, the 
governor's lady, seeing me sad, spoke to an officer at the 
table, who could speak Latin, to tell me, that after dinner, 
I should go along with them to see my children. Accord- 
ingly, after dinner I was carried to see them. When I 
came to the house, I found three or four English captives, 
who lived there, and I had leave to converse with them. 

" I was sent down to Quebec in company with Gov. De 
Ramsey, of Montreal, the superior of the Jesuits; and I 
was ordered to live with one of the council, from whom I 
received many favors for seven weeks. He told me that 
it was through the influence of the priests that I was sent 
down before the governor came, and that if I went to see 
the English much, or they came much to visit me, I should 
yet certainly be sent away where I should have no oppor- 
tunity to converse with them. 

" While at Quebec, I was invited to dine with the Je- 
suits, and they were civil enough to my face. But after a 
few days, a young man came to my chamber, and told me 
that one of the Jesuits, after we had taken dinner, made a 
few verses of burlesque poetry, and gave them to his scho- 
lars to translate into French. He showed them to me. 
The import of them was, * that the king of France's 
grandson had sent out his huntsmen, and that they had ta- 
ken a wolf, who is shut up, and now I hope the sheep will 
be in safety.' I knew what they aimed at, but I held my 
peace. I said in my heart. If God will bless, let men 
curse if they please ; and I looked to God in Christ, the 
great Shepherd, to keep his scattered sheep among so many 
Romish ravenous wolves, and to remember the reproaches 
wherewith his holy name, ordinances, and servants were 
daily reproached. Monsieur De Beauville was a good 
friend to me, and very courteous to all the captives. He 
lent me an English Bible, and when he left Canada for 
France, he gave it to me. 



" I was invited one day to dine with one of chief note. 
After dinner, the superior of the Jesuits came in. Pre- 
sently it was proposed to me that I should stay among them 
and be of their religion ; and I was assured that if I would, 
I should have a large pension from the king every year. 
The superior of the Jesuits then turned to me and said, 
* Sir, you have manifested much grief and sorrow on ac- 
count of being separated from your children and neighbors : 
if you will comply with this proposal and offer, you may 
have all your children with you, and your pension will be 
sufficient for an honorable maintenance of you and them.' 
1 answered, ' Sir, if I thought your religion to be true, I 
would embrace it freely, without any such offer : but so 
long as I believe it to be what it is, the offer of the whole 
world is of no more value to me than a blackberry.' 

" Not many days after, I was sent fifteen miles down 
the river, to a place called Chateauviche, that I might not 
have an opportunity to converse with the English. I was 
treated courteously by the French and by the priests 
of the place. Here a gentleman, in the presence of the 
bishop and priest, offered me his house and whole living, 
and gave me the assurance of honor, wealth, and employ- 
ment, if I would embrace their religion. I was sometimes 
told that I might have all my children if I would comply, 
and that I must never expect to have them on any other 
terms. I told them that my children were dearer to me 
than all the world beside, but I w^ould not deny Christ and 
his truth to have them with me. 

"On the 21st of October, 1704, I received letters from 
New England, giving the account that many of our neigh- 
bors escaped from the desolations of the fort at Deerfield; 
that my dear wife was decently buried ; and that my eld- 
est son, who was absent when we were captivated, had 
been sent to college, and was provided for. This intelli- 
gence occasioned many thanksgivings to God in the midst 
of afflictions, and caused our prayers to ascend to heaven 
for a blessing on our benefactors, who had shown such 
kindness to the desolate and afflicted. 

" Many crafty designs were formed to ensnare the young 
among the English, and to turn them from the simplicity 
of the gospel to the Romish faith, which was very trying 



to me. Some attempted to allure poor souls by flatteries 
and great promises, some by threatenings, and some of- 
fered abuse to such as refused to go to church, and be pre- 
sent at^mass. Some they industriously contrived to get 
married among them. I understood that they would tell 
the English that I had turned, that they might induce them 
to change their religion. 

The hearts of many were ready to be discouraged and 
sink, saying, Hhat they were out of sight, and consequent- 
ly out of mind.' I endeavored to persuade them that we 
were not forgotten ; that many prayers were undoubtedly 
going up to heaven in our behalf Not long after, Capt. 
Livingston and Mr. Sheldon arrived, bringing letters from 
the governor of Massachusetts to the governor of Cana- 
da, relating to the exchange of prisoners. This revived 
many, and raised their expectations of a return. But God's 
time of deliverance was not yet come. I besought Capt. 
De Beauville, who had always been very friendly, to inter- 
cede with the governor that my eldest daughter might re- 
turn ; that he would purchase my son Stephen of the In- 
dians at Fort St. Francois; and that he would give me leave 
to go up to Montreal and see my children and neighbors. 
Five of the English who were from Deerfield, were per- 
mitted to return with Capt. Livingston, among whom was 
my eldest daughter. My son Stephen was redeemed, and 
sent to live with me. He had suffered much among the 
Indians, was very poor, and almost naked. My request, 
that I might be permitted to go up to Montreal to see my 
children and neighbors, was denied me. God brought me 
by his grace to be willing that he should glorify himself in 
disposing of me and mine as he pleased. And almost al- 
ways before receiving any remarkable favor, I was brought 
to lie down at God's feet, and to resign all to his holy sove- 
reignty. I had no small refreshing in having one of my 
children with me for four months. 

" I will here give an account of what befell one of my 
children, a boy about fifteen or sixteen years of age, who 
was two hundred miles distant from me, which occa- 
sioned me unspeakable sorrow and grief. They threatened 
to deliver him to the Indians again, if he would not em- 
brace their religion. The priests would spend whole days 



in urging him. He was sent to school to learn to read 
and write French. The master sometimes flattered him 
with promises to cross himself, and then threatened him if 
he would not. But when he saw that neither promises nor 
threatenings would avail, he struck him with a stick ; when 
he saw that this did not bring him to a compliance, he 
made him get down and stand upon his knees about an 
hour, and then came and commanded him to make the 
sign of a cross, and that without delay ; but he still re- 
fused. He then gave him a couple of strokes with a whip, 
with three lashes and about twelve knots, and again com- 
manded him to make the sign of the cross ; telling him 
that if it were any sin he would bear it himself. After he 
had made him shed many tears under his abuses and 
threatenings, he told him he would have it done. At 
length, through cowardice and the fear of the whip, he 
made the sign, and continued to do so for several days to- 
gether. When he came to recite his lesson, he did not 
cross himself. The master seeing it, said to him, * Have 
you forgotten what I commanded you V ' No, sir,' said 
he. He was then commanded to kneel down upon his 
knees, and was kept there an hour and a half, until the 
school was dismissed. After this, the master commanded 
him to go to church. When he refused, he told him he 
would make him go; and one morning he sent four of the 
largest boys of the school to drag him by force to mass. 

" When I received intelligence of this, I was almost 
overwhelmed with grief and sorrow. I made my com- 
plaint unto God, and mourned before him. ' Sorrow and 
anguish took hold upon me.' I asked God to direct me 
what to do, and to open a way by which I might convey a 
letter to him. Here I thought of my afflictions : — my wife 
and two children killed, and many of my neighbors ; my- 
self and so many of my children and friends in a popish 
country, separated from our children, unable to come to 
them to instruct them, and cunning and crafty enemies 
using all their subtilty to instill into their minds pernicious 
principles. I thought of the happiness of those parents 
who had their children with them, under all the advanta- 
ges of training them up * in the nurture and admonition 
of the Lord.' O, that parents who read this narrative, 



would bless God for the advantages they have for educa- 
ting their children, and improve them faithfully ! One of 
my children was now with the Macquas, a second turned 
to popery, and a little child six years of age in danger of 
being instructed in the same doctrines and practices ; and 
I knew full well that every means would be employed to 
prevent my seeing and speaking with them. In the midst 
of all these difficulties and trials, God gave me a secret 
hope that he would magnify his power and grace in disap- 
pointing the crafty designs of my enemies. God support- 
ed me with these passages of scripture : ' Who is able to 
do exceeding abundantly above all that we ask or think. 
Is any thing too hard for the Lord V 

While the enemy were promising themselves another 
winter, in which to draw away the English to popery, news 
came that an English brig was on its way to Canada, and 
that Capt. Samuel Atherton and Capt. John Bonner were 
coming as commissioners for the redemption of the cap- 
tives. It is not possible for me to tell how diligently the 
clergy and others labored to stop the prisoners. To some 
they promised liberty, to others money, and to others a 
yearly pension, if they would remain. Some they urged 
to tarry at least until the spring of the year ; telling them 
that it was so late in the season that they would be ship- 
wrecked and lost. Day and night they were engaged in 
urging them to stay. And I was threatened with being 
sent on board, without permission to come on shore again, 
if I conversed any more with the English who had turned 
to their religion. At Montreal, especially, every effort was 
used to persuade the English to stay. They told my child 
that if he would remain, he should have a yearly pension 
from the king ; and that his master, who was an old man, 
and the richest in Canada, would give him a great deal; 
assuring him that if he returned, he would be poor ; ' for,' 
said they, ' your father is poor ; he has lost all his estate, 
it is all burned.' But he would not be prevailed upon to 
stay. They endeavored, after this, to prevail with my son 
to go to France. 

" We came away from Quebec on the 25th of October, 
1706. We were met by contrary winds and a heavy 
storm, which retarded our progress, and drove us baok 



near the city. In the storm we narrowly escaped ship- 
wreck, the vessel being twice driven upon a rock. But 
through the goodness of God, we all arrived in safety at 
Boston, on the 25th of November. The number of cap- 
tives on board was fifty-seven, two of whom were my 
children. I left a daughter, ten years of age, and many 
of my neighbors, in Canada.'' 

Soon after Mr. Williams arrived in Boston, commission- 
ers were chosen by the town of Deerfield to treat with 
him upon the subject of his re-settlement in the ministry 
among them. Mr. Williams accepted the invitation, and 
remained there until his death, which occurred on the 12th 
of June, 1729. He died in the 65th year of his age. 

The following is the Narrative of Mrs. Mary Roio- 
landson, wife of Rev. Joseph Rowlandson, of Lancaster, 
Mass., written by herself 

On the 10th of February, 1675, about sunrise, the 
Indians in great numbers came upon Lancaster. Hearing 
the noise of guns, we looked out; several houses were 
burning, and the smoke was ascending up to heaven. Five 
were taken in one house — the father and mother, and a 
sucking child they knocked on the head, the other two 
they carried captive. Two others being out of the garri- 
son, were attacked, one was killed, and the other escaped. 
Another, as he was running along, was fired at and wound- 
ed ; falling down, he begged for his life, promising them 
money, (as they told me) but they would not hearken to him ; 
they buried their hatchet in his head, stripped him naked, 
and split open his bowels. Another, seeing many Indians 
about his barn, went out, and was shot. Three others 
belonging to the same garrison were killed ; the Indians 
getting up upon the roof of the barn, had an opportunity to 
fire down upon them over their fortification. Thus these 
murderous wretches went on burning and destroying all 
before them. 

" At length, they came and assaulted our house, — such 
a doleful day my eyes never beheld before. The house 
stood upon the edge of a hill ; some of the Indians got b3- 
hind the hill, others into the barn, and others behind what- 



ever would shelter them; from all which places they shot 
against the house, so that the bullets seemed to fly like hail, 
and soon they wounded one man among us, then another, 
and then a third. They had been about the house about 
two hours, (according to my estimation in that amazing 
time,) before they succeeded in setting it on fire, which 
they did with flax and hemp, which they brought out of 
the barn. They set it on fire once, and one ventured out 
and quenched it; but they soon fired it again, and that kin- 
dled. Now the dreadful hour was come that I had oficn 
heard of others being called to, in time of war, but now 
mine own eyes saw it. Some in our house were fiorhtincr 
for their lives, while others were wallowing in their blood, 
the house being on fire over our heads, and the bloody 
savages were standing ready to bury the tomahawk in our 
head if we stirred out. Now we could hear mothers and 
children crying out, Lord, what shall we do ? I took my 
children, and one of my sisters hers, to go out and leave 
the house; but as soon as we made our appearance at 
the door, the Indians fired so fast, that the bullets rat- 
tled against the house as if one had taken a handful of 
stones and thrown them, so that we were forced to give 
back. We had six stout dogs belonging to our garrison; 
but not one of them would stir, though at another time, if 
an Indian came to the door, they were ready to fly upon 
him, and tear him down. The Lord by this would lead us 
more fully to acknowledge his hand, and to see that our 
help is in him alone. But the fire increasing and roaring 
behind us, we must of necessity go out, though the Indians 
were gaping before us with their guns, spears and hatchets 
to devour the prey. No sooner were we out of the house, 
than my broiher-in-law (having before been wounded in 
defending the house, in or near the throat) fell down 
dead, at which the Indians scornfully shouted and hallow- 
ed, and were presently upon him, stripping olf his clothes. 
The bullets flying thick, one of them went through my 
side, and the same (as would seem) through the bowels 
and hand of my poor child in my arms. One of my elder 
sister's children had his leg broken, which being perceived 
by the Indians, they knocked him on the head. Thus 
were we butchered by those merciless savages, the blood 



running down at our feet. My eldest sister being )^et in 
the house, seeing the Indians hauling mothers one way, 
and children another, and some wallowing in their blood ; 
and being told that her son William was dead, and that I 
was wounded, she exclaimed. Lord, let me die with them ! 
No sooner had she said this, than she was struck with a 
bullet, and fell down dead over the threshold. The Indians 
now laid hold on us, pulling me one way, and the children 
another, saying, Come, go along with us. I told them that 
they would kill me. They said that if 1 was willing to go 
along with them, they would not hurt me. 

"O! the doleful sight that now met our eyes at this 
house ! Come, behold the loorks of the Lord, ichat desola- 
tions he hath made in the earth. Of thirty-seven persons 
who were in this house, none escaped either present death, 
or a bitter captivity, excepting one, who might say with the 
messenger of Job, / onli/ am escaped alone to tell thee. 
Twelve were killed — some were shot, some stabbed with 
spears, others were tomahawked. When we are in pros- 
perity, O, how little do we think of seeing so dreadful a 
sight as that of beholding our dear relations and friends 
lie bleeding to death upon the ground ! One who had been 
tomahawked and stript naked, was crawling about upon 
the ground. It was a solemn sight to see so many lying in 
their blood, some here, and others there, like a flock of 
sheep torn by wolves; all of them stript naked, by a com- 
pany of bloody savages, roaring, singing, ranting, and in- 
sulting, as if they would have torn our very hearts out ; yet 
the Lord by his almighty power, preserved a number of us 
from death, for there were twenty-four of us taken alive, 
and carried captive. 

" I had often said before this, that if the Indians should 
come, I should choose rather to be killed by them, than to 
be taken alive ; but when it came to the trial, my mind 
changed ; their glittering weapons so daunted my spirit, 
that I chose rather to go along with them, than at that 
moment to end ray days. 

" Now away we must go with these barbarous creatures, 
with our bodies bleeding, and our hearts no less than our 
bodies. We travelled about a mile that night, to the top of 
a hill, which overlooked the town, where we purposed to 



spend the night. There was near by a house, which had 
been deserted by the English from fear of the Indians. I 
asked permission to lodge there. They answered, What! 
will you love Englishmen still ? This was the most dole- 
ful night I ever spent. O, the roaring, and singing, and 
dancing, and yelling of these tawny creatures on that 
night ! which made the place a lively resemblance of hell ; 
and there was a sad waste made of horses, cattle, sheep, 
swine, calves, lambs, pigs, and fowls, which they had 
plundered in the town ; some lay roasting, some burning, 
and some boiling, to feed our merciless enemies, who were 
joyful enough, though we were desolate. To add to the 
dolefulness of the former day, and the dismalness of the 
present night, my thoughts ran upon my losses, and upon 
my sad, bereaved condition. All was gone, my husband 
gone,* my children gone, my relations and friends gone, 
our house and home, and all our comforts within door and 
without, — all was gone, except my life, and I knew not 
but that the next moment that would go too. 

*' There remained nothing to me except one poor, 
wounded. child, and she in a most pitiable condition, and 
T had nothing with which to revive and refresh her. 

*' The next morning I was forced to turn my back upon 
the town, and travel into the vast desolate wilderness, I 
knew not whither. Tongue nor pen can describe the 
sorrows of my heart and the bitterness of my spirit at this 
departure ; but God was with me in a wonderful manner, 
carrying me along, and bearing up my spirits, so that they 
did not quite fail. One of the Indians carried my poor 
child upon a horse. It went moaning along, saying, ' I 
shall die ! I shall die !' I followed after on foot, with 
feelings of sorrow that cannot be expressed. At length, 
I took it off the horse, and carried it in my arms, till my 
strength failed, and I fell down with it. They then set me 
upon a horse with my child in my lap ; but there being 
no furniture on the horse's back, as we descended a steep 
hill, we both fell over the horse's head, at sight of which 
the Indians laughed and rejoiced; though I thought we 

* Mr. Rowlandson was at this time in Boston, soliciting the 
governor and council for more soldiers for the protection of the 


should there end our days. But the Lord still renewed 
my strength, and carried me along, that I might see more 
of his power, yea, such a degree of it as I could never 
have known, had I not experienced it. 

Soon after this it began to snow, and when night came 
on, they stopped : and now down I must sit in the snow, 
by a little fire, and a few boughs behind me, with a sick 
child in my lap, which now called earnestly for water, she 
having (through the wound) fallen into a violent fever. My 
own wound now troubled me to that degree, that 1 could 
scarce sit down or rise up ; and yet I must sit up all this 
wintry night, upon the cold snowy ground, with my child 
in my arms, expecting that every hour would be the last 
of its life. But the Lord upheld me by his gracious and 
merciful Spirit, and we were both alive to see the light of 
the next morning. 

The morning being come, they prepared to go on 
their way. One of the Indians got upon a horse, and they 
set me up behind him, with my child in my lap. A very 
wearisome and tedious day we had of it. From Wednes- 
day to Saturday night, neither myself nor my child re- 
ceived any refreshment, excepting a little cold water. In 
the afternoon of this day, we came to an Indian town 
called Wenimesset. Wken we arrived there, O, the 
number of pagans that came about me ! The next day 
was the Sabbath ; I then remembered how careless I had 
been of God's holy time ; how many Sabbaths I had lost 
and misspent, and how evilly I had walked in God's sight ; 
which lay so close upon my spirit, that it was easy for me 
to see how righteous it would be for God to cut off the 
thread of life, and cast me out from his presence forever. 
Yet the Lord still showed mercy to me, and helped me ; as 
he wounded me with one hand, so he healed me with the 
other. I applied oak leaves to my wounded side, which, 
by the blessing of God, effected a cure ; but before the 
cure was wrought, I might say with David, My wounds 
stink and are corrupt^ I am troubled^ I am bowed down 
greatly, I go mourning all the day long. I sat much 
alone with my poor wounded child in my lap, which 
moaned night and day, but I had nothing to administer to 
it for its relief and comfort ; and what added to my afflio 



tion was, one Indian would come and tell me one hour, 
Your master will knock your child on the head; and then 
a second, and then a third would come and say, Your 
master will quickly knock your child on the head. 

" This was the comfort I had from them; — miserable 
comforters were they all. Nine days I sat on my knees, 
with my babe in my lap, till my flesh was raw. My child 
being, ready to depart this sorrowful world, they ordered 
me to carry it out to another wigwam, (I suppose because 
they would not be troubled with such spectacles ;) whither I 
went with a very heavy heart, and sat down with the pic- 
ture of death in my lap. That night ray sweet child de- 
parted this life, it being about six years and five months 
old. It was nine days from the time it was wounded, in 
this miserable condition, without any refreshing of any 
kind, excepting a little cold water. Formerly I could not 
bear to be in a room where the corpse of a dead person 
was ; but now my feelings were changed. I could lie 
down with my dead child through the whole night. I have 
since thought of the wonderful goodness of God to me, in 
continuing the use of my reason in that distressing time, 
so that I did not use violent and wicked means to end my 
own miserable life. In the morning, the Indians learning 
that my child was dead, sent me home to my master's wig- 
wam. I went to take up her corpse in my arms, to carry 
it with me ; but they told me to let it alone. There was 
no resisting, but go I must, and leave it. When I had 
been at my master's wigwam awhile, I took the first oppor- 
tunity I could get, to go and look after my dead child. 
When I came, I asked them what they had done with it. 
They told me that it was on the hill. They then went and 
showed me where it was. I saw a place where the earth 
had been newly dug, where they told me they had buried 
it. God having taken away this dear child, I went to see 
my daughter Mary, who was at the same Indian town, at a 
wigwam not far off, though we had little liberty or opportu- 
nity to see one another. She was about ten years old ; was 
first taken at the door of our house by an Indian, and after- 
wards sold for a gun. When she saw me, she fell a weep- 
ing, at which the Indians were provoked, and would not 
let me come near her, but ordered me to be gone ; which 



was a heart-cutting command to me. One of my children 
was dead, another was in the wilderness, I knew not 
where, the third I was not permitted to come near to. I 
coukl not sit still in this condition, but walked from place 
to place. As I was going along, my heart was overwhelmed 
with the thoughts of my condition, and that I should have 
children, and that a nation which I knew not, should rule 
over them. I earnestly entreated the Lord that he would 
consider my low estate, and show me a token for good. 
The Lord soon answered in a measure my poor prayer ; 
for as I was going up and down mourning over my condi- 
tion, my son came to me, and asked me how I did. I had 
not seen him before, since the destruction of our town, 
and I knew not where he was, until informed by himself, 
that he was among a smaller company of Indians, who re- 
sided about six miles off. V/ith tears in his eyes, he asked 
me whether his sister Sarah was dead. He told me that 
he had seen his sister Mary, and prayed me not to be 
troubled in reference to himself There were at this time, 
some forces of the Indians gathered out of our company, 
and some from among those with whom my son lived, 
(among whom was his master) to go and attack and burn 
Medfield. In this time of his master's absence, his squaw 
brought him to see me. The next day, the Indians re- 
turned from Medfield. They began their din, when about 
a mile distant. O, the outrageous roaring and whooping 
that there was ! They signified by their noise and whoop- 
ing, how many they had destroyed ; which was twenty- 
three. Those who were with us at home, were gathered 
together as soon as they heard the whooping, and every 
time the others went over with their number, those at home 
gave a shout that made the very earth ring again. And 
thus they continued to do until those who had been upon 
the expedition arrived at the sagamore's wigwam ; then, O, 
the hideous insulting and triumphing there was over some 
Englishmen's scalps they had taken and brought with 
them ! I cannot but take notice of the wonderful mercy of 
God to me in these afflictions, in sending me a Bible. One 
of the Indians who was at the fight at Medfield, came and 
asked me, if I would have a Bible. I asked him if he 
thought the Indians would let me read. He answered, 



Yes. I took the Bible, and in that melancholy time, it 
came into my mind to read first the twenty-eighth chapter 
of Deuteronomy, which I did. When I had read it, I felt 
that there was no mercy for me, that the blessings were 
gone, and that the curses had come in their room, and 
that I had lost my opportunity. But the Lord enabled 
me to go on reading until I came to the seven first verses 
of the thirtieth chapter, where I found that there was 
mercy promised again, if we would return to him by re- 
pentance ; and though we were scattered from one end 
of the earth to the other, yet the Lord would gather us 
together. I desire that I may never forget this portion of 
Scripture, nor the comfort it afforded me. 

" Now the Indians began to talk of removing from this 
place, some talked of going one way, and some another. 
There were now, besides myself, nine English captives in 
this place, — eight children and one woman. I secured an 
opportunity to go and take leave of them, they being about 
to go one way, and I another. I asked them, if they prayed 
to God for deliverance. They said that they did as they 
were able. It was some comfort to me that the Lord stir- 
red up children to look to him. The woman (the wife of 
Abraham Joslin) told me she should never see me again ; 
that she intended to use every means to effect an escape, 
though she was great with child, and near the time of her 
delivery, and had a child two years old in her arms, and 
though we were thirty miles from any English town, and 
there were bad rivers to pass over, I took out my Bible 
which I had with me, and asked her if she would read. 
She opened the Bible, and took special notice of the last 
verse in the twenty-seventh Psalm : V/ait on the Lord: 
be of good courage, and he shall strengthen thine heart : 
wait, I say, on the Lord. 

" Now I was called to part with what little company I 
had had. Here I parted with my daughter Mary, whom I 
never saw again till after her return from captivity. Here 
also I parted with four little cousins and neighbors, some 
of whom I never saw afterward, the Lord only knows the 
end of them. Among them was that poor woman, the 
wife of Mr. Joslin, who came to a sad end, as I afterwards 
learnt. She, being greatly grieved and distressed in view 



of her miserable condition, would often ask the Indians 
to let her go home. They being unwilling to grant her 
request, and becoming vexed with her importunity, gath- 
ered a large company together about her, stript her naked, 
and set her in the midst of them ; and when they had sung 
and danced about her, after their hellish manner, as long 
as they pleased, they knocked her, and the child in her 
arms, on the head. When they had done this, they made 
a fire and put them both into it. They told the other 
children that were with them that, if they attempted to go 
home, they would serve them in like manner. The chil- 
dren said that she did not shed a single tear, but that she 
prayed all the while. — But to return to my own journey. 
We travelled about half a day, and came, about the mid- 
dle of the afternoon, to a desolate place in the wilderness, 
where there were no wigwams or inhabitants. We arrived 
here, cold, wet, covered with snow, hungry and weary ; 
but there was no refreshing for us but the cold ground to 
sit on, and our poor Indian cheer. 

" I had here heart-aching thoughts about my poor chil- 
dren, who were scattered up and down among the wild 
beasts of the forest. My head was light and dizzy, (either 
through hunger or bad lodging, or trouble, or all together,) 
my limbs feeble, my body raw in consequence of sitting 
doubled night and day, so that I cannot express to my 
fellow-creatures the affliction that lay upon me ; but the 
Lord enabled me to express it to him. As I opened my 
Bible to read, the Lord directed me to that precious text, 
Jeremiah xxxi. 16, Thus saith the Lord, Refrain thy 
voice from weepings and thine eyes from tears ; for thy 
work shall he rewarded, and they shall come again from 
the land of the enemy. This was a sweet cordial to me, 
when ready to faint. Many a time have I sat down and 
wept over this sweet passage of Scripture. We continued 
at this place about four days, and then removed. 

" The occasion of their removing at this time was (as 
I thought) the approach of the army of the English. They 
travelled as if it had been for their lives, for some con- 
siderable distance, and then made a stop, and chose out 
some of their stoutest men, and sent them back to hold 
the English in play while the rest escaped. They then 



marched on furiously, with their old and young. Some 
carried their old decrepit mothers, some carried one, and 
some another. Four of them carried a large Indian upon 
a bier ; but in passing through a thick wood, they were 
hindered, and could make no haste ; whereupon they took 
him upon their backs, and carried him one at a time, till 
we came to Payquage (Miller's) River. It was Friday in 
the afternoon when we came to this river. On account 
of my wound, I was required to carry but a light burden 
in this journey. I carried only my knitting work and two 
quarts of meal. Being faint, I asked my mistress to give 
me one spoonful of the meal ; but she would not allow me 
to taste of it. They soon engaged in cutting dry trees to 
make rafts to carry them over the river, and soon my turn 
came to go over. By reason of some brush which they 
had laid upon the raft to sit on, I did not wet my feet, 
which I cannot but look upon as a favor from the Lord, 
my body being weak, and the weather very cold. I was 
never before acquainted with such doings and dangers. 
When thou passest through the waters, I will be icith thee, 
and through the rivers, they shall not overjiow thee. A 
number of us got over the river that night, but the whole 
company did not get over until Monday night. On Satur- 
day they boiled an old horse's leg, and so we drank of the 
broth ; and when it was nearly gone, they filled it up 

** The first week I was among them I ate hardly any 
thing. The second week I grew very faint for want of 
food ; and yet it was very hard to get down their filthy 
trash. But the third week, their food was pleasant and 
savory to my taste. I was at this time knitting a pair of 
stockings for my mistress, and I had not yet wrought on 
the Sabbath day. When the Sabbath came, they ordered 
me to go to work. I told them that it was the Sabbath 
day, and desired them to let me rest; assuring them that 
I would do as much more on the morrow. Their reply 
was, we will break your face. On Monday they set their 
wigwams on fire, and away they went. On the very same 
day, the English army arrived at the river, and saw the 
smoke of the wigwams. They stopped here, and gave up 
the pursuit. We were not ready for so great a deliver 



ance ; for had we been, God would have provided a way 
for the English to have passed over the river. 

I went along that day mourning and lamenting leaving 
my own country farther behind, and travelling tlirther into 
the vast howling wilderness. We came at length to a 
great swamp, by the side of which we took up our lodgings 
for the night. When we came to the brow of the hill, 
that looked toward the swamp, I thought we had come to 
a great Indian town (though there were none but our own 
company) the Indians were so thick — they were as thick 
as the trees. It seemed as if there were a thousand 
hatchets going at once. If one looked behind or before, 
there was nothing but Indians ; and so on either hand, 
and I in the midst, and no christian soul near me ; and 
yet the Lord preserved me in safety. O, the experience I 
have had of the Lord's goodness to me and mine ! 

" After spending a restless and hungry night here, we 
had a wearisome time of it the next day. In leaving the 
swamp, we had to go up a high and steep hill. Before I 
got to the top of it, I thought my heart, and limbs, and all 
would have broken and failed me. By reason of faint- 
ness and soreness of body, it was a grievous day's journey 
to me. As we went along, I saw a place where the cattle 
of the English had been, which was some comfort to me. 
Soon after, we came to an English path, which affected me 
greatly. That day, a little before noon, we came to Squa- 
keag, (Northfield) when the Indians soon spread them- 
selves over the deserted English fields, gleaning what they 
could find. Some picked up ears of wheat, others ears 
of Indian corn. Some found ground-nuts, and others 
sheaves of wheat which were frozen together in the shock, 
which they commenced threshing out. I got two ears of 
corn, but while my back was turned for a moment, one of 
them was stolen, which greatly troubled me. An Indian 
came to us here with a basket of horse liver ; I asked him 
to give me a piece ; ' What,' said he, ' can you eat horse 
liver V I told him that if he w^ould give me a piece I 
would try. He gave me some, which I laid on the coals 
to roast ; but before it was half done, they got half of it 
away from me ; so that I was forced to take the rest, and 
eat it as it was, with the blood about my mouth, and yet 



a savory bit it was to me. To the hungry soul, every 
hitter thing is sweet. That night we had a mess of wheat 
for supper. 

" The next morning it was proposed that we should go 
over Connecticut River, to meet king Philip. When they 
had carried over two canoes full, my turn came to go. 
But as I was stepping into the canoe, there was an outcry 
among them, and I must step back, and instead of going 
over, I must go four or five miles up the river. Some of 
the Indians ran one way, and some another. The cause 
of this, as I thought, was the approach of some English 
scouts. In going up the river, the company made a halt 
about noon, and sat down, some to eat and others to rest 
themselves. As I sat musing upon the past, my son Joseph 
unexpectedly came to me. We asked after each other's 
welfare, bemoaning our doleful condition. I handed him 
my Bible, and he lit upon that comfortable passage in the 
one hundred and eighteenth Psalm, 'I shall not die, but 
live and declare the works of the Lord. The Lord hath 
chastened me sore ; but he hath not given me over unto 
death.' * Look here, mother,' said he, ' did you read this V 
We travelled on until night. In the morning we must go 
over to see Philip's crew. As I was passing over, I was 
amazed to see so great a number of Indians on the oppo- 
site bank. When I came ashore, they gathered around 
me, I sitting alone in the midst. I heard them ask one 
another questions, and observed that they laughed and 
rejoiced over their gains and victories. My heart now 
began to fail, and I fell a weeping, which was the first 
time, to my remembrance, that I wept before them ; for, 
although I had met with so much affliction, and my heart 
had many times been ready to break, yet I could not shed 
a tear in their sight, having been all this time in a kind 
of maze, and like one astonished. But now I could say, 
with the captive Israelites, By the river of Babylon, there 
we sat doum ; yea, we ivept when we rememhtred Zion. 
One of them asked me why I wept. I hardly knew what 
answer to make, but I said. You will kill me. ' No,' said 
he, ■ no one will hurt you.' To comfort me, one of them 
came and gave me two spoonfuls of meal, and another 
gave me half a pint of peas, which were worth more than 



many bushels at another time. I then went to see king 
Philip. He invited me to come in and sit down, and 
asked me whether I would smoke it. But this did not 
suit my present feelings. For though I had formerly made 
use of tobacco; yet I had used none since I was taken. 
It seems to be a bait the devil lays to rob men of their 
precious time. I remember with shame my former use of 
it. Surely we may be better employed than to sit sucking 
a stinking tobacco-pipe. 

" The Indians now gathered their forces to go against 
Northampton. In the evening, one went about yelling and 
hooting to give notice of the design. They then engaged 
in boiling ground-nuts, and in parching corn for their 
provision. In the morning they started on the expedition. 
During my stay in this place, Philip desired me to make a 
shirt for his boy. I did the work, and he gave me a shil- 
ling. T offered the money to my mistress, but she told me 
to keep it. I bought with it a piece of horse flesh. Af- 
terward he asked me to make his son a cap, for which he 
invited me to dine with him. I went, and he gave me a 
pancake, made of parched wheat, fried in bear's grease, 
about as large as my two fingers. I thought I never tasted 
more pleasant food in my life. A squaw requested me to 
make a shirt for her sannup, for which she gave me a 
piece of beef Another asked me to knit a pair of stock- 
ings. As a compensation, she gave me a quart of peas. 
I boiled my peas and beef together, and invited my master 
and mistress to dinner ; but because I served them both 
in one dish, my mistress would eat nothing except a small 
piece that my master gave her upon the top of his knife. 
Hearing that my son had come to this place, I went to see 
him. I found him lying upon the ground. I asked him 
how he could sleep so. He replied that he was not asleep, 
but that he was engaged in prayer, and that he lay down 
that they might not observe what he was doing. Through 
the heat of the sun, and the smoke of the wigwams, I 
thought I should be blinded. I could scarce discern one 
wigwam from another. Mary Thurston, of Medfield, see- 
ing how it was with me, lent me a hat to wear ; but as 
soon as I was gone, her mistress came running after me, 
and took it away from me. A squaw gave me a spoonful 



of meal ; I put it into my pocket, in order to keep it 
safely ; but some one stole it, and left in its place five 
kernels of Indian corn. This corn was the greatest part 
of the provision I had in my journey for one day. 

" When the Indians returned from Northampton, they 
brought with them horses, sheep, and other things which 
they had taken. I requested them to carry me to Albany 
on one of the horses, and sell me for powder, as I had 
overheard them talk of doing. I utterly despaired of 
returning home afoot, the way I came. I could hardly 
endure to think of the many weary steps I had taken in 
coming to this place. But instead of going to Albany or 
homeward, I was forced to go five miles up the river, and 
then over it. During the time we were here, my master's 
maid, who had been gone three weeks into the Narragan- 
sett country, to fetch some corn they had stored in the 
ground there, came home. She brought about a peck and 
a half of corn. 

"My son being now about a mile from me, I asked 
leave to go and see him ; they said I might go ; but as I 
was going, I lost my way, travelling over hills and through 
swamps, without being able to find him. As I was re- 
turning back, I met my master, who showed me the way. 
When I came to my son, I found him unwell, besides hav- 
ing a boil on his side, which greatly troubled him. After 
remaining with him awhile, I returned. When I got back, 
I found myself as unsatisfied as before. I walked about 
mourning and lamenting, and my spirit was ready to sink 
with the thoughts of my poor children. My son was ill, 
and I could not but think of his mournful looks. He had 
no christian friend with him to do any office of love, 
either for soul or body. And my poor daughter, I knew 
not where she was, sick or well, alive or dead. Under 
these circumstances I repaired to my Bible (my chief 
source of consolation at these times) and read that pas- 
sage. Cast thy burden upon the Lord, and he shall sustain 

" I was now constrained to look for something to satisfy 
my hunger ; and going among the wigwams, I entered 
one where there was a squaw who showed herself very 
kind, giving me a piece of bear's meat. I put it into my 



pocket and went home ; but I did not dare to broil it for 
fear that they would get it away from me. So it lay all 
the day and night in my stinking pocket. In the morning 
I went again to the same squaw, who had a kettle of 
ground-nuts boiling, and asked her to let me boil my 
piece of bear in the kettle. She gave me leave, and pre- 
sented me with some ground-nuts to eat with it. I well 
remember how pleasant this dish was to me. Now that 
was pleasant to me which one would think was enough to 
turn the stomach of a brute creature. 

'* One bitter cold day, having no room to sit down by 
the fire, I went out, and could not tell what to do. Going 
into another wigwam, I found them also sitting about the 
fire ; but the squaw laid a skin for me, and told me to sit 
down. She gave me some ground-nuts, and invited me to 
come again. She said that they would buy me if they 
were able. They were strangers to me. 

" That day, a small part of the company, with myself, 
removed about three quarters of a mile, intending to go 
farther the next day. When they came to the place where 
they intended to lodge, and had pitched their wigwams, 
being hungry, I went back to the place from whence we 
started ; being encouraged by the kindness of the squaw, 
who invited me to come again. An Indian soon came 
after me, who, when he had found me, kicked me all 
along back. I went home and found venison roasting, 
but I did not receive one morsel of it. Sometimes I met 
with favor, and sometimes with nothing but frowns. 

*' The next morning they made another remove, intend- 
ing to travel a day's journey up the river. I took my load 
on my back. We waded over, a river, and passed over 
wearisome hills. One hill was so steep that I was obliged 
to creep upon my knees, and to hold on by the twigs and 
bushes, to keep myself from falling backward. I hope 
that all those wearisome steps have served to help me on 
to my heavenly rest. Iknoia, O Lord, that thi/ judgments 
are right, and that thou in faithfulness host afflicted mc. 

**It was upon a Sabbath morning that they prepared for 
their next journey. I asked my master if he would sell 
me to my husband. He answered, nux, (yes.) This 
greatly rejoiced my heart. My mistress, who had been to 



[chap. vm. 

attend the burial of a papoose, returned, and found me 
reading my Bible. She snatched it hastily out of my 
hand, and threw it out of doors. I ran and caught it up, 
put it into my pocket, and never let her see it afterwards, 
rhey now packed up their things for another removal. 
They gave me my load, which was so heavy that I com- 
plained to my mistress. She gave me a blow on my face 
with her open hand, and ordered me to be gone. I lifted 
up my heart to God, with the hope that my redemption 
was not far distant, and the rather because their insolence 
grew worse and worse. 

*' We bent our course towards Boston. The thoughts 
of going homeward greatly cheered my spirit, and made 
my burden seem light, or as almost nothing. But to my 
amazement and great perplexity, when we had proceeded 
a short distance, my mistress suddenly gave out that she 
would go no further ; that she would return, and that I 
must return with her. She would have had her sannup 
go back also, but he would not. He told her that he 
would go on, but that he would return to us in three days. 
I was now, I confess, very impatient, and almost outra- 
geous. I thought that I would as soon die as go back. 
The feelings I then had are inexpressible ; but back I 
must go. As soon as I had an opportunity, I took my 
Bible to read. The passage which quieted me was this — 
Be still, and Jcnoiv that I am God. 

" I now expected a sore trial ; my master, seemingly the 
best friend I had among the Indians, both in cold and 
hunger, being gone. I sat down with a heart as full of 
trouble as it could hold, and yet I could not sit, I was so 
hungry. I went out, and while walking among the trees, 
I found six acorns and two chestnuts, which afforded me 
some refreshment. Towards night, I gathered some sticks 
that I might not lie cold. But when we came to lie down, 
they ordered me to go out and lodge somewhere else, as 
they had company. I told them that I knew not where to 
go. They commanded me to go and look for a place. I 
told them that if I went to another wigwam, they would 
send me home again. One of them then drew his sword, 
and said that he would run me through, if I did not go 
presently Thus I was forced to go out in the night, I 



knew not whither. I went to one wigwam, and they told 
me they had no room. I went to another, and they said 
the same. At last, an old Indian told me to come to him. 
His squaw gave me some ground-nuts, and something to 
lay my head on. They had a good fire, and, through the 
good providence of God, I had a comfortable lodging. In 
the morning, another Indian told me to come again at 
night, and he would give me six ground-nuts. He was as 
good as his word. We were now about two miles from 
Connecticut River. In the morning, we went to the river 
to gather ground-nuts, and returned at night. I was forced 
to carry a great load on my back, for when they go but a 
short distance, they carry all their trumpery with them. I 
told them that the skin was off my back ; I received for 
answer, ' That it would be no matter if my head were off 

" I must now go with them five or six miles down the 
river, into a thick forest, where we abode about a fortnight. 
While here, a squaw asked me to make a shirt for her pa- 
poose, for which she gave me a mess of broth, thickened 
with meal made of the bark of a tree ; and she had put 
into it a handful of peas, and a few roasted ground-nuts. 
I had not seen my son for a considerable tim.e. I saw an 
Indian here, of whom I made inquiry respecting him. He 
answered, that at such a time, his master roasted him, and 
that he ate a piece of him as large as two fingers, and that 
he was very good meat. The Lord upheld me under this, 
and I considered their horrible addictedness to lying; — 
that no one of them makes the least conscience of speak- 
ing the truth. 

" One cold night, as I lay by the fire, I removed a stick 
of wood that kept the heat from me. A squaw move 1 it 
back again. As I looked up, she threw a handful of ashes 
in my eyes. I thought I should be entirely blinded. But 
as I lay down, the water ran out of my eyes, and cleansed 
away the ashes, so that in the morning, I had my sight 
again. Often while sitting in their wigwams, musing on 
things past, I have suddenly arisen and run out, seeming 
to forget for a moment that I was not at home ; but when 
I saw nothing but a wilderness, and a company of barba- 
rous heathen, I soon recollected myself. 



• About this time, I began to think that all my hopes of 
restoration would come to nothing. I had hoped to be re- 
taken by the English army ; but that hope failed. I had 
hoped to be carried to Albany ; but here again my desire 
and expectation failed. I had had some expectation of 
being sold to my husband ; but instead of that, my mas- 
ter himself was gone. It now seemed as though my spirit 
would sink. That I might have an opportunity to be 
alone and pour out my heart before the Lord, I asked 
them to let me go out and pick up some sticks. I took 
my Bible w^ith me in order to read ; but I found no com- 
fort. I can say that in all my sorrows and afflictions, I felt 
no disposition to complain of God, as though his ways 
were not righteous ; for I knew that he had laid upon me 
less than I deserved. While in this distress, as I was turn- 
ing over the leaves of my Bible, I met with these passa- 
ges, which revived me a little. My thoughts arc not yam 
thoughts, neither are your ways my ways, saith the Lord. 
Commit thy way unto the Lord, trust also in him, and he 
shall bring it to pass. 

'* About this time, the Indians returned from Hadley, 
having killed three of the English, and taken one (Tho- 
njas Reed) captive. They all gathered around the poor 
man, asking him many questions. I went to see him, and 
found him weeping bitterly, for he thought that they intend- 
ed to kill him. I asked one of them if that was their 
intention. He answered that it was not. He being a little 
comforted by this assurance, I inquired of him respecting 
my husband. He told me that he saw him sometime be- 
fore, and that he was well, but very low spirited. Some 
of the Indians had told me that he was dead, and that they 
had killed him. I now saw that all they had told me, was 

" While here, Philip's maid came to me with his child 
in her arms, and asked for a piece of my apron for the 
child. I told her that I would not give it to her. My 
mistress then ordered me to give it to her ; but I still re- 
fused. She arose and took up a stick, large enough to kill 
a person, and struck at me ; but I slipped out of her way, 
and she struck it into the mat of the wigwam. While she 



was pulling it out, I ran to the maid, and gave her the 
whole of my apron, and so the storm passed over. 

Hearing that my son was in the place, I went to see 
him. I told him that his father was well, but very melan- 
choly. He told me that he was as much grieved for his 
father, as for himself. 

''I went to see an English youth, John Gilbert, from 
Springfield. I found him lying out doors upon the ground. 
I asked him how he did. He told me that he was very 
sick of a flux, in consequence of eating so much blood. 
They had turned him, with an Indian papoose, whose pa- 
rents had been killed, out of the wigwam. It was a bitter 
cold day ; but the young man had nothing on but his shirt 
and waistcoat. This sight was enough to melt the most 
flinty heart. There they lay, quivering with the cold. The 
child's eyes, nose and mouth were filled with dirt. I ad- 
vised John to get to a fire. He said he could not stand. I 
urged him still, lest he should lie there and die. AVith 
much difiiculty I got him to a fire, and then returned home. 
I had no sooner arrived there, than John's master's daugh- 
ter came after, and wished to know what I had done with 
the Englishman. I told her I had got him to a fire in such 
a place. I had now occasion to pray that I might he deliv- 
ered from unreasonable and wickfd men. For her satisfac- 
tion, I went along with her, and showed her where he was. 
Before I got home again, it was noised abroad that I was 
running away, and that I was getting the English youth 
along with me. As soon as I returned home, they began 
to rave and domineer, asking me where I had been, and 
what I had been doing; saying that they would knock me 
on the head. I told them that I had been to see the English 
youth, and that I would not run away. They told me that 
I lied ; and raising the hatchet they came at me, and de- 
clared that they would knock me down if I went out again , 
so I was confined to the wigwam. Now might I say, with 
David, / am in a great strait. If I keep in, I must die 
with hunger, and if I go out I must be tomahawked. I 
remained in this distressed condition all that day and half 
the next ; then the Lord, whose mercies are great, remem- 
bered me. For an Indian came with a pair of stockings 
too large for him, and desired me to ravel them out, and 



knit them again. I manifested a willingness to do it, and 
requested him to ask my mistress if I might go with him a 
little way. She said that I might. I was not a little com- 
forted with having my liberty again. 1 went with him, 
and he gave me some roasted ground-nuts, which revived 
my feeble stomach. Being out of my mistress' sight, I 
had an opportunity again to look into my Bible, which was 
my guide by day, and my pillow by night. Now that com- 
fortable passage presented itself, For a small moment have 
I forsaken thee, but with great mercies will I gather thee. 
Thus the Lord comforted and strengthened me from time 
to time, and made good his precious promises. Now my 
son came again to see me. I asked his master to let him 
stay awhile with me, which request he granted. When he 
was gone, my son told me that he was very hungry ; but I 
had no food to give him. I told him to go into the wig- 
wams on his return to his master, and see if he could not 
get something to eat. He did so, but it seems he tarried a 
little too long, for his master was angry with him for his 
delay, and after beating him, sold him. After he was sold, 
he came running to me, telling me that he had got a new 
master, and that he had given him some ground-nuts al- 
ready. I then went with him to see his master, who told 
me that he loved my son, and that he should not want. 
His master then carried him away, and I saw him no more, 
till I saw him in Portsmouth. 

" At night they again ordered me out of the wigwam, 
my mistress' papoose being sick. I went to a wigwam, 
and they told me to come in. They gave me a skin to lie 
on, and a mess of venison and ground-nuts. The papoose 
of my mistress having died in the night, they buried it the 
next day. Afterward, both morning and erening, a com- 
pany came to mourn and howl with her. I had many 
sorrowful days in this place. I often retired and remained 
alone. Like a crane or a sicallow, so did I chatter : I did 
mourn as a dove, mine eyes failed loith looking upioard. 
Then I said, O Lord, I am oppressed ; undertake for me. 
Remember now, O Lord, I beseech thee, hoiv 1 have iccdked 
before thee in truth. I had now a favorable opportunity 
to examine all my ways. My conscience did not accuse 
me of unrighteousness in relation to my fellow-creatures. 



yet I saw that in my walk with God, I had been a careless 
creature. I could say with David, ' Against thee, and 
thee only, have I sinned. And with the publican, ' God 
be merciful to me a sinner.' On the Sabbath, I used to 
think of those who were enjoying the privileges of the 
sanctuary, and could use the language which is spoken in 
relation to the poor prodigal, ' He would fain have filled 
his belly with the husks that the swine did eat, and no 
man gave unto him.' And could add, ' Father, I have 
sinned against heaven, and before thee.' 1 recollected 
the time when my family was about me ; when on Satur- 
day and Sabbath evenings, we, with our relations and 
neighbors, could pray and sing, and refresh our bodies 
with wholesome food, and have a comfortable bed to lie 
on. Instead of this, I had only a little swill for the body, 
and then like a swine must lie down on the ground. I 
cannot express to man the sorrow which lay upon my soul 
— it is known to the Lord. Yet that comfortable scrip- 
ture w^as often in my mind, ' For a small moment have I 
forsaken thee, but with great mercies will I gather thee.' 

We now packed up all again, and left this place, bend- 
ing our course towards the towns on the bay. ] had no- 
thing to eat the first day, excepting a few crums of cake 
that an Indian gave my daughter Mary, the day she was 
taken. She gave it to me, and I put it into my pocket. It 
had become mouldy, dry, and hard, and had crumbled to 
pieces ; but it refreshed me many times when I was ready 
to faint. I used to think, when I put it into my mouth, 
that if ever I returned from my captivity, I would declare 
to the world how the Lord added his blessing to this mean 
food. On the way, the Indians killed a deer that was with 
young. They gave me a piece of the faw-n, which was 
so young and tender, that one could as easily eat the bones 
as the flesh, and yet I thought that it was very good. 
When night came, they halted. It was rainy ; but they 
soon got up a bark w^igwam, so that I lay dry during the 
night. When I looked out in the morning, I saw that 
many of the Indians had lain out in the rain all the night. 
Thus mercifully did the Lord deal with me. They took 
the blood of the deer, and after putting it into the paunch, 
boiled and ate it. My stomach would not allow me to 



[chap. VIII. 

taste of it, though they ate it with a good appetite. Yet 
they were so nice that when I had brought a kettle of 
water, and put the dish I dipped the water with into it, 
they would say that they would knock me down, for they 
said it was a sluttish trick. 

" We now went on our. way ; I having obtained a hand- 
ful of ground-nuts for my sustenance that day. They gave 
me my load ; but the thought that I was going homeward 
enabled me to bear it cheerfully, the burden now being 
more on my hack than on my sjjirit. We came this day 
to Pay qu age (Miller's) River again, near which we re- 
mained some days. One of them would give me a pipe, 
another a little tobacco, a third a little salt, which I ex- 
changed for food. It is remarkable what a voracious ap- 
petite persons have when in a starving condition. Many 
times, when they gave me hot food, I was so greedy that I 
swallowed it down, though it burnt my mouth, and trou- 
bled me many hours after. Yet I soon did the same again. 
After I was thoroughly hungry, I never was satisfied with 
eating. For though I had sometimes enough to eat, and 
ate until I could eat no more, yet I was as unsatisfied as 
I was when 1 began. I now saw the meaning of that pas- 
sage of scripture, T/tnii shalt cat, and not he satisfied. I 
now saw more clearly than ever before, the miseries sin 
has brought upon man. I felt, many times, a disposition 
to complain of the treatment of the Indians ; but my feel- 
ings were silenced by that passage. Shall there he evil in 
the city, and, the Lord hath not done it ? 

" Our next remove was over the river. The water was 
something like eighteen inches deep, and the stream very 
swift. The water was so cold that it seemed as though it 
would cut me in sunder. I was so weak and feeble that I 
could not walk without reeling, and I thought I must here 
end my days. The Indians stood laughing to see me stagger 
along. That precious promise supported me. When thou 
passest through the icaters I ivill he with thee, and through 
the 7'ivcrs they shall not overflow thee. When we had got 
through the river, I sat down and put on my stockings and 
shoes, with the tears running down my eyes, and with many 
sorrowful thoughts in my heart. As we went on our way, 
an Indian came and informed me that I must go to Wachu- 



sett, (Princeton,) to my master ; for a letter had been received 
from the governor of Massachusetts to the sagamores 
upon the subject of redeeming the captives, and that ano- 
ther was expected soon. My heart, which had been so 
heavy that I could scarcely speak or keep the path, was now 
so light that I could run. My strength seemed to be re- 
newed. We travelled only one mile this day, and remained 
at the place where we lodged, two days, when we again re- 
moved. And a comfortable remove it was to me, because 
of my hopes. They gave me my pack, and I went cheer- 
fully along. But my courage was too great for my strength ; 
for having taken but little food, I soon sunk under my bur- 
den, and ray spirits almost failed also. Now I could say 
with David, ' I am poor and needy. I am tossed up and 
down as the locust. My knees are weak through fasting, 
and my flesh faileth of fatness.' Night coming on, we 
arrived at an Indian town. I was almost spent, and could 
scarcely speak. I laid down my load, and went into a wig- 
wam, where was an Indian boiling horses' feet. It was 
their custom to eat the flesh of a horse first, and then, 
when they were straitened for provisions, to cut off* the feet 
and make use of them for food. I asked the Indian to 
give me a little of the broth or water in which they were 
boiling. He gave me a spoonful of samp, and told me to 
take as much of the broth as I pleased. I put the samp 
into some of the broth and drank it, and my spirits were 
revived. He also gave me a piece of the ridding of the 
intestines, which I broiled on the coals and ate. Now I 
might say with Jonathan, ' See, I pray you, how mine eyes 
have been enlightened, because I tasted a little of this 
honey.' Though means be never so inconsiderable, yet if 
the Lord bestow his blessing, they shall refresh both body 
and soul. 

" As we were passing along after leaving this place, we 
saw an Englishman lying dead by the way-side. At length 
we came to another Indian town, where we spent the 
night. There were here four English children who were 
captives, one of whom was my sister's. I went to see her, 
and found her well, considering her condition. I would 
have passed the night with her, but her owners would not 
suffer it. I went into a wigwam, where they w^ere boiling 



corn and beans, but could not get a taste of them. At 
another wigwam I found two English children. The 
squaw was boiling horses' feet. She cut off a piece and 
gave me. She gave the English children a piece also. 
Being very hungry, I quickly ate up mine. One of the 
children, being unable to eat hers, it was so tough, I took 
it and ate it myself Now I could say with Job, ' The 
things that my soul refuseth, are as my sorrowful meat.' 
When I returned home to my mistress' wigwam, they told 
me that I was a disgrace to my master by begging, and 
that if I did so any more, they would knock me on the 
head. I told them that they might as well do that, as to 
starve me to death. On the first day after leaving this 
place, we came in sight of Wachusett mountain. As we 
were travelling along, having, indeed, my life, but little 
spirit, Philip (who was in the company) came and took me 
by the hand, and said, ' Two weeks more, and you shall 
be mistress again.' I asked him if he really meant as he 
said. He replied, * Yes, for you shall soon be with your 
master.' After many weary steps we came to Wachusett, 
where I found my master, and glad I was to see him. He 
inquired how long it was since I had washed me. 1 an 
swered, not for months. He brought some water and told 
me to wash, and ordered his squaw to give me something 
to eat. She gave me some meat and beans, and a small 
ground-nut cake. I was greatly refreshed by this kindness. 

" My master had three squaws, living sometimes with 
one, and sometimes with another. While 1 was here with 
the old squaw, the one with whom I had been, sent her 
maid to tell me to come home, at which I fell a weeping. 
To encourage me, the old squaw told me when I wanted 
victuals, to come to her, and that I should lie in her wig- 
wam. I went with the maid, but came back and lodged 
there. The squaw laid a mat for me, and spread a rug 
over me. This was the first time that I had any such 
kindness shown me among the Indians. While in this 
place, an Indian requested me to make him three pairs of 
stockings, for which I had a hat and a silk handkerchief. 

" At length, two Indians came with a second letter from 
the governor, respecting the redemption of the captives 
Though they were Indians, I took them by the hand , but 



my heart was so full that I could not sj:>€ak. After reco- 
vering myself, I asked them how my husband, friends, and 
acquaintances were. They said that they were well, but 
very melancholy. They brought me two biscuits, and a 
pound of tobacco. The tobacco I soon gave away. 

The sagamores having met to consult respecting the 
captives, tiiey called me, and inquired how much my hus- 
band would give for my redemption. Knowing that all 
our possessions had been destroyed by the Indians, I hard- 
ly knew what answer to give. I thought that if I men- 
tioned a small sum, it might be slighted, and so hinder tho 
matter ; and if I stated a large sum, I did not know where 
it could be procured. I however ventured to say tiventy 
pounds, at the same time desiring them to take less. They 
sent a message to Boston, stating that for twenty pounds 
I should be delivered up. 

" During the time we remained in this place, the Indians 
made an attack upon Sudbury. After their return, an Indian 
invited me to come to his wigwam, and said he would give 
me some pork and ground-nuts. I accepted the invitation, 
and as I was eating, another Indian said to me, ' He seems 
to be your friend, but he killed two Englishmen at Sudbu- 
ry, and there lie the clothes behind you.' I looked behind 
me, and saw the bloody clothes, with the holes the bullets 
had made in them. Yet the Lord did not suffer this 
wretch to do me any harm ; yea, instead of that, he and 
his squaw repeatedly refreshed my feeble body. When- 
ever I went to their wigwam, they gave me something, 
yet they were entire strangers to me. Another squaw gave 
me a piece of fresh pork and a little salt, and lent me her 
frying-pan, in which to cook it. I remember, to this 
day, the sweet and delightful relish of this food. 

" When the Indians had done the English any mischief, 
it was their custom to remove. We now left the place 
where we were, and removed to a place about three or four 
miles distant, where they built a wigwam large enough to 
contain a hundred persons. This was made preparatory 
to a great dance. They now said among themselves that 
the governor would be so angry at the loss sustained at 
Sudbury, that he would do nothing more about redeeming 
the captives. This made me grieve and tremble. My 



[chap. VIII. 

daughter was now but a mile distant from us. I had not 
seen her for nine or ten weeks. I besought, entreated, 
and begged the Indians to let me go and see her; but they 
would not suffer it. They made use of their tyrannical 
power while they had it ; but through the Lord's wonder- 
ful mercy, their time was now short. For soon after this, 
Mr. John Hoar, together with the two Indians before men- 
tioned, came with a third letter from the governor, relat- 
ing to the redemption of the captives. When the Indians 
had talked awhile with Mr. Hoar, they suffered me to speak 
with him. I asked him how my husband and friends were. 
He said they were well, and that they would be glad to 
see me. I now asked the Indians if 1 should go home 
with Mr. Hoar. They answered, No ; and we retired for 
the night with that answer. The next morning, Mr. Hoar 
invited the sagamores to dine with him ; but when we 
came to prepare for them, we found that the Indians had 
stolen the greatest part of the provisions he had brought. 
The sagamores seemed to be ashamed of the theft, and said 
that it was the Matchit (wicked) Indians that did it. Din- 
ner being made ready, they were called ; but they ate but 
little, for they were busily engaged in dressing themselves 
for a dance. The dance was carried on by eight persons, 
four men and four squaws, my master and mistress being 
in the number. My master was dressed in a holland shirt, 
with great stockings, his garters being hung round with 
English shillings, having girdles of wampum upon his head 
and shoulders. She had on a kersey coat, covered with 
girdles of wampum from the loins upward. Her arms, from 
her elbows to her hands, were covered with bracelets, with 
necklaces about her neck, and several sorts of jewels in 
her ears. She had fine red stockings and white shoes ; her 
head being powdered, and her face painted red. All the 
dancers were dressed in the same manner. Two Indians 
were employed in making music, by singing and knocking 
on a kettle. A kettle of water placed upon embers, stood 
in the midst of the dancers, that each one might drink 
when thirsty. They continued their dance until almost 

'* As it respected my going home, they were at first all 
against it unless my husband would come after me ; but 

CHAP. VII I.J insTOrwV o? Mr.r exglaimd. 


afterward they consented that I should go. Some of them 
asked me to send them some bread, others tobacco, others 
taking me by the hand, offered me a hood and scarf to ride 
in. Thus the Lord answered my feeble petitions, and the 
many earnest requests others had put up to God in my be- 
half Some time previous, an Indian came to me and 
said, that if I was willing, he and his squaw would run 
away with me, and conduct me home. I told them that I 
was not willing to run away, but that I desired to wait 
God's time, that I might go home quietly and without fear. 
O, the wonderful experience I had of the power and good- 
ness of God ! I have been in the midst of these roaring 
lions and savage bears, who feared neither God nor man, 
by night and by day, in company and alone, sleeping in the 
midst of males and females, and yet no one of them ever 
offered me the least unchastity in word or action. 

" I now took my leave of them. But on my way home- 
ward, I was so affected with the thoughts of going home 
again, that I was more completely melted into tears than 
at any time while I was in captivity. About sunset we 
arrived at Lancaster, and an affecting sight it was to me. 
Here I had lived comfortably for many years among neigh- 
bors and relations ; but now there was not an English per- 
son to be seen, nor a house standing. We spent the night 
in an out-building, where we slept on the straw, having a 
comfortable night's rest. 

Before noon, the next day, we arrived in Concord. 
Here I met with some of my neighbors, my brother, and 
brother-in-law. My brother-in-law asked me if I knew 
where his wife was. Poor man, he had assisted in burying 
her, but knew it not. She was killed near the house, and 
so much burned, that those who buried the dead, did not 
know her. After being refreshed with food and supplied 
with clothes, vi-e went that day to Boston, where I met my 
dear husband ; but the thoughts of our dear children, one 
being dead, and another we could not tell where, abated our 
comfort in each other. In my poor beggarly condition, I 
was received and kindly entertained in Boston. It is be- 
yond my power to express the kindness I received from in- 
dividuals here, many of whom were strangers to me. But 
the Lord knows them all. May he reward them seven- 



fold into their own bosoms. The twenty pounds, the price 
of my redemption, was raised by Mr. Usher, and a num- 
ber of ladies in Boston. Mr. Thomas Shepard, of Charles- 
town, received us into his house, where we were enter- 
tained eleven weeks. We found many other kind friends 
in this place. We were now surrounded with mercies, yet 
we were frequently in heaviness on account of our poor 
children, and other relations who were in affliction. My 
husband thought that we had better ride down eastward, 
and see if we could not hear something respecting our 
children. As we were riding along between Ipswich and 
Rowley, we met William Hubbard, who told us that our 
son Joseph and my sister's son had arrived at Major Wal- 
dron's in Dover. The next day we heard that our daughter 
had arrived at Providence. We met with our son at Ports- 
mouth. Our daughter was conveyed from Providence to 
Dorchester, where we received her. 

" Our family being now gathered together, the members 
of the South Church in Boston hired a house for us, where 
we continued about nine months. It seemed strange to 
set up house-keeping with bare walls ; but in a short time, 
through the liberality of christian friends, some of whom 
resided in England, our house was furnished. The Lord 
has been exceedingly good to us in our low estate. 

" Before I was afflicted, I was ready sometimes to wish 
for adversity ; fearing lest I should have my portion in 
this life. But now I see that the Lord had a time to 
scourge and chasten me. It is the lot of some to have 
their affliction dealt out in drops, — but the wine of aston- 
ishment did the Lord give me as my portion. Affliction I 
needed, and affliction I had — full measure, pressed down 
and running over. Yet I see that, let our affliction be 
ever so great, the Lord is able to carry us through, and to 
make us gainers thereby. I hope that I can say in some 
measure, with David, It is good for me that I have been 

Mrs. Hannah Swarton, the subject of the following 
Narrative, was taken captive by the Indians at Falmouth, 
Me., in May, 1690. When the Indians assaulted that 
place, she, with her husband and family, consisting of four 



children, were residing at a short distance from the fort. 
Tlie Indians entered the house, killed her husband before 
her eyes, and carried her and her children into captivity. 
The account of what befell her, written by herself, is in 
substance the following. 

After the fort was tak^n, myself and children were 
distributed among the captors. My master was a Canada 
Indian. His wife had been bred up among the English 
at Black Point. After her marriage she embraced the 
Catholic religion. Though I occasionally saw my chil- 
dren, yet I had little opportunity to converse with them ; 
and when we met, we were obliged to refrain from all 
expressions of grief : for the Indians threatened to kill us, 
if we conversed much together, or wept over our condi- 
tion. The provisions they had obtained among the En- 
glish being soon spent, we were obliged to subsist on 
ground-nuts, acorns, wild weeds, and roots, — having occa- 
sionally some dog's flesh. They killed a bear, a portion 
of which fell to me. At another time, they gave me a 
very small part of a turtle they had taken. Once an In- 
dian gave me a piece of moose's liver, which was to me a 
sweet morsel. I was hurried up and down in the wilder- 
ness, carrying daily a great burden, and obliged to travel 
as fast as the rest of the company, or meet instant death. 
My shoes and clothes were worn and tattered, my feet 
wounded with sharp stones, and pierced with prickly 
bushes. At times, I thought that I could go no further, 
and that I must lie down by the way, come what would. 
Then the Lord so renewed my strength, that I was able to 
keep up with my master, and to travel as far as he required. 
One John York, being nearly starved, and unable to travel 
at their speed, they killed outright. While we were about 
Casco Bay and the Kennebec River, I at seasons met with 
some of the English prisoners. 

" At one time, my mistress and myself were left alone 
for nearly a week without food. All we had was a moose's 
bladder filled with vermin, which we boiled, and drank 
the broth. The bladder was so tough that we could not 
eat it. On the sixth day, my mistress sent me to a place 
where I should be likely to see some Indian canoes, order- 
ing me to make a fire, so that by means of the smoke some 



one might be induced to come to our relief. I, at length, 

espying a canoe, made signs to those on board to come 
ashore, which they did. They proved to be a company 
of squaws. After being made acquainted with our wants, 
one of them gave me a piece of a roasted eel, which I ate 
with a relish I never before experienced. Sometimes we 
lived on whortleberries, at others on a kind of wild cher- 
ries that grew upon bushes. 

When winter came on, they put me into an Indian 
dress, which consisted of a slight blanket, leather stock- 
ings, and a pair of moccasons. I suffered much from the 
cold, being obliged to travel through the snow, and over 
the ice, facing the wintry blasts. I was at times almost 
frozen, and faint through want of food. I now reflected 
seriously upon the past. I recollected the religious privi- 
leges I had enjoyed at Beverly, my native town ; how we 
had turned our backs upon these privileges, and had re- 
moved to a place where there was neither minister nor 
church ; where we were likely to forget the good instruc- 
tion we had received, and where our children were exposed 
to be bred up in ignorance; and that we had done this 
from worldly motives, with a view to place ourselves in 
more advantageous circumstances. I saw that I was now, 
by the righteous providence of God, stripped of all — be- 
reaved of husband, children, friends, neighbors, house, 
estate, comfortable food and clothing, while my own life 
hung continually in doubt, being liable to be cut off by a 
violent death, or by famine, or by freezing. I had no 
Bible or religious book to look into, or christian friend to 
counsel me in my distress. But the Lord did not leave 
me to perish in mine affliction. Many passages of scrip- 
ture which I had formerly read or heard, occurred to my 
mind, and were my support and consolation. When they 
threatened to kill me, I thought of the words of our Savior 
to Pilate, Thou couldest have no power at all against me, 
except it loere given thee from above. I cherished the hope 
that the Lord would not suffer them to kill me ; that in 
his own good time he would deliver me out of their hands, 
and return me to my own country. While in this afflicted 
condition, I heard that my eldest son had been killed by 
the Indians. I now thought^ of Job's complaint, Thou 



numhcrcst my steps ; dost thou not loatcli over my sin ? 3Ty 
transgression is scaled up in a bag, ikon scivest up mine 
iniquity. This thought led me to humble myself before 
God, and to plead witii him for his pardoning mercy in 
Christ. I prayed with David, How long wilt thou forget 
me, O Lord ? How long shall mine enemy be exalted over 
me ? By these and other scriptures which were brought 
to my recollection, I was instructed, directed, and com- 

" We travelled up the Kennebec, until we arrived at 
Norridgewock. Here the English prisoners were sepa- 
rated, and I was left alone ; none of them being left in our 
company. I was now, in the heart of winter, forced to 
take up a long and dreary journey through the wilderness, 
to Canada. I travelled in deep snow, over hideous moun- 
tains and through deep swamps, among trees that had been 
blown down, stepping from log to log, passing over nearly 
a thousand in a day, carrying at the same time a heavy 
burden on my back. I found it very tedious travelling, 
and my feet and limbs bled, so that I could be tracked by 
the blood I left on the snow. At length, about the middle 
of February, we arrived in the vicinity of Quebec. My 
master pitched his wigwam within sight of some French 
houses, and sent me to beg victuals for his family. I went, 
and found the French very kind, giving me pork, and beef, 
and bread. My master next sent me to beg of some fami- 
lies residing nearer Quebec. I asked leave to remain over 
night with the French, to which he assented. Calling in 
at a house near night, I signified to the woman of the 
house my desire to remain by her fire all night. She 
readily granted my request, laid a good bed on the floor, 
and furnished ^ood covering for me, so that I slept very 
comfortably. The next morning, after giving me a break- 
fast, the French woman stept out, and left me alone. 
While I was waiting for her return, that I might thank her 
for her kindness, two men came in. One of them was an 
Englishman, who had been taken by the Indians, It was 
exceedingly pleasant and reviving to hear once more the 
voice of an Englishman. After some conversation he in- 
vited me to go with him to Quebec, which, he said, was 
about four miles distant. I told him that if I went, my 



master might kill me for it. After some discourse in 
French with the man that was with him, he told me that 
if I would go, I should be ransomed. The woman of the 
house having now returned, persuaded nie to go. I went 
with them, and was introduced mto the family of the chief 
justiciary of the province. I was kindly entertained by 
his lady, and comfortably clothed and fed. Some time 
after, my master and mistress coming for me, the lady in- 
tendant paid my ransom, and I became her servant. 

" I now experienced a great change in my external con- 
dition ; but I soon found a snare was laid for my soul, 
which caused me trouble and sorrow. For my mistress, 
the nuns, priests, and friars, and the rest, beset me by 
every argument they could produce to persuade me to be- 
come a Catholic. Their arguments were accompanied by 
much love, warm entreaties, and solemn promises. But 
finding me inflexible, they resorted to threatenings and 
hard usage. I now resorted to the Scriptures, where I 
found the instruction, support, and consolation that I 
needed. I felt myself to be pressed out of measure, above 
strength ; but I felt that God was able to deliver me, and 
enabled me to believe that h.e would either appear for my 
deliverance, or give me grace for what he called me to 
suffer for his name's sake. I attended occasionally upon 
their worship, but never received the sacrament. At last, 
I concluded that it was wrong for me to attend their meet- 
ings, and I went no more. By the kindness and assistance 
of my fellow-captives, I obtained a Bible and other good 
books; and we found opportunities to meet together for 
conference and prayer. Col. Tyng, of Falmouth, and 
Mr. Alden labored to confirm and strengthen us in the 
ways of the Lord. I had many sweet refreshing seasons 
of religious conversation and prayer with Margaret Stil- 
son, a fellow-captive, who lived in the same house with 
me. We used to get together, and read and pray over 
portions of God's holy word, and converse upon what we 
read. We endeavored in the land of our captivity, with 
all our heart and with all our soul, to return unto the 
Lord ; earnestly beseeching him to think upon us, and to 
grant us a good deliverance. 

" At length, Capt. Cary arrived with a ve-ssel to receive 



and carry captives to New England. Among others, I 
and my youngest son were received on board, W e arrived 
in safety at Boston, in November, 1G95. I left in Canada 
a daughter, twenty years of age, whom I had not seen for 
two years, and a son nineteen years old, whom 1 have not 
seen since the next morning after we were taken." 

Dr. Dwight gives the following account of the capture 
and sufferings of Jir5. Jemmm Howe, who was taken at 
Vernon, Vermont. 

"In 1755, Bridgman's fort, a small work in Vernon, 
was taken by the following stratagem. The men residing 
in the fort, (Caleb Howe^ Hilkiah Grout, and Benjamin 
Gaffield,) went into the field to perform their daily labor. 
Their wives, remaining in the fort, fastened the gate, ac- 
cording to their custom, and were to open it when their 
husbands and sons, returning, knocked for admission. The 
men having finished their work, were returning to the fort, 
when a party of twelve Indians fired upon them. Howe was 
wounded in the thigh, and fell from the horse upon which 
he rode with two of his sons. The Indians instantly 
came up and scalped him. He was found the next morn- 
ing alive, by a party of men from Fort Hinsdale, but soon 
after expired. Grout escaped unhurt. Gaffield, attempt- 
ing to cross the river, was drowned. 

" The women heard the noise of the firing, but seem 
not to have suspected the cause. The Indians, having 
learned, by observation, the mode of gaining admission 
into the fort, knocked at the gate. It was opened without 
hesitation, and all within the fort were made ];)risoners. 
Mrs. Gaffield had one child, Mrs. Grout three, and Mrs. 
Howe seven — the youngest an infant six months old, the 
eldest eleven years. Should it seem strange that these ene- 
mies thus learned the signal of admission, you will remem- 
ber that an Indian can conceal himself with inimitable 
skill and success, and wait any length of time to accom- 
plish his purposes. 

" After having plundered the fort, and set it on fire, the 
Indians conducted their prisoners about a mile and a half 
into the forest. Here they continued through the -next 
day, but despatched six of their number to complete the 



work of destruction. The following morning they set out 
for the place where they had left their canoes, about fif- 
teen miles south of Crown Point. The distance was about 
sixty miles ; but as they were obliged to cross the range 
of the Green Mountains, it occupied them eight days. 
The Indians were desirous to preserve their prisoners, and 
in most instances, therefore, treated them kindly. Yet 
they abused some of them in the customary modes of sa- 
vage cruelty. 

'* After many and severe sufferings, they reached Crown 
Point, where Mrs. Howe, with several of the prisoners, 
continued a few days. The rest were conducted by their 
captors to Montreal, to be sold to the French ; but no mar- 
ket being found for them, they were all brought back, ex- 
cept her youngest daughter, who was given as a present to 
Gov. De Vaudreuil. Soon after, the whole body embarked 
in canoes, just as night was approaching, for St. Johns. 
A thunder-storm arose in the west. The darkness, when 
it was not illumined by lightning, was intense. The 
wind became a storm, and the waves, which, in this lake, 
have not unusually been fatal to vessels of considerable 
size, threatened their destruction. But they were not de- 
serted by providence. A little before day-break they land- 
ed on the beach ; and Mrs. Howe, ignorant of what had 
become of her children, raised with her hands a pillow of 
earth, and laid herself down with her infant in her bosom. 
The next day they arrived at St. Johns, and soon after, at 
St. Francis, the residence of her captors. A council was 
called, the customary ceremonies were gone through, and 
Mrs. Howe was delivered to a squaw, whom she was di- 
rected henceforth to consider as her mother. The infant 
was left in her care. 

" At the approach of winter, the squaw, yielding to her 
earnest solicitations, set out, with Mrs. Howe and her 
child, for Montreal, to sell them to the French. On the 
journey, both she and her infant were in danger of perish- 
ing from hunger and cold ; the lips of the child being, at 
times, so benumbed, as to be incapable of imbibing its 
proper nourishment. After her arrival in the city, she was 
offered to a French lady, who, seeing the child in her 
arms, exclaimed, * I will not buy a woman who has a child 


to look after.' I will not attempt to describe the feelings 
with which this rebuff was received by a person who had 
no higher ambition than to become a slave. Few of our 
race have hearts made of such unyielding materials as not 
to be broken by long-continued abuse ; and Mrs. Howe 
was not one of this number. Chilled with cold, and 
pinched with hunger, she saw in the kitchen of this inhos- 
pitable house some small pieces of bread floating in a pail, 
amid other fragments, destined to feed swine, and eagerly 
skimmed them for herself When her Indian mother found 
that she could not dispose of her, she returned by water 
to St. Francis, where she soon died of the small-pox, which 
she had caught at Montreal. Speedily after, the Indians 
commenced their winter hunting. Mrs. Howe was then 
ordered to return her child to the captors. The babe 
clung to her bosom, and she was obliged to force it away. 
They carried it to a place called 'Messiskow,' on the 
borders of the River Missiscoui, near the north end of Lake 
Champlain, upon the eastern shore. The mother soon fol- 
lowed, and found it neglected, lean, and almost perishing 
with hunger. As she pressed its face to her cheek, the 
eager, half-starved infant bit he^with violence. For three 
nights she was permitted to cherish it in her bosom ; but 
in the day-time she was confined to a neighboring wig- 
wam, where she was compelled to hear its unceasing cries 
of distress, without a possibility of contributing to its re- 
lief The third day the Indians carried her several miles 
up the lake. The following night she was alarmed by 
what is usually called the great earthquake, which shook 
the region around her with violent concussions. Here, 
also, she was deserted for two nights in an absolute wil- 
derness ; arid when her Indian connections returned, was 
told by them that two of her children were dead. Very 
soon after, she received certain information of the death 
of her infant. Amid the anguish awakened by these me- 
lancholy tidings, she saw a distant volume of smoke, and 
was strongly inclined to make her way to the wigwam 
from which it ascended. As she entered the door, she met 
one of the children reported to be dead ; and, to her 
great consolation, found that he was in comfortable cir- 
cumstances. A good-natured Indian soon after informed 



her that the other was alive on the opposite side of the lake, 
at the distance of a few miles only. Upon this informa- 
tion, she obtained leave to be absent for a single day, and, 
with the necessary directions from her informant, set out 
for the place. On her way she found her child, lean and 
hungry, and proceeded with it to the wigwam. A small 
piece of bread, presented to her by the Indian family in 
which she lived, she had carefully preserved for this unfor 
tunate boy ; but to avoid offending the family in which he 
lived, was obliged to distribute it in equal shares to all the 
children. The little creature had been transported at the 
sight of his mother ; and when she announced her depart- 
ure, fell at her feet as if he had been dead. Yet she was 
compelled to leave him, and satisfied herself, as far as she 
was able, by commending him to the protection of God, 
The family in which she lived, passed the following sum- 
mer at St. Johns. It was composed of the daughter and 
.son-in-law of her late mother. The son-in-law went out 
early in the season on an expedition against the English 
settlements. On their return, the party had a drinking 
frolic — their usual festival after excursions of this nature. 
Drunkenness regularly enhances the bodily strength of a 
savage, and stimulates his mind to madness. In this situ- 
ation he v/ill insult, abuse, and not unfrequently murder, 
his nearest friends. The wife of this man had often been 
a sufferer by his intemperance : she therefore proposed to 
Mrs. Howe that they should withdraw themselves from the 
wigwam, until the effects of his present intoxication were 
over. They accordingly withdrew. Mrs. Howe returned 
first, and found him surly and ill-natured, because his wife 
was absent. In the violence of his resentment, he took 
Mrs. Howe, hurried her to St. Johns, and soM her for a 
trilling sum to a French gentleman named Saccapee. 

Upon a little reflection, however, the Indian perceived 
that he had made a foolish bargain. In a spirit of furious 
resentment, he threatened to assassinate Mrs. Howe, and 
declared, that if he could not accomplish his design, he 
would set fire to the fort. She was therefore carefully se- 
creted, and the fort watchfully guarded, until the violence 
of his passion was over. When her alarm was ended, she 
found her situation as happy in the family, as a state of 



servitude would permit. Her new master and mistress 
were kind, liberal, and so indulgent as rarely to refuse 
any thing that she requested. In this manner they enabled 
her frequently to befriend other English prisoners, who, 
from time to time, were brought to St. Johns. 

" Yet, even in this humane family, she met with new 
trials. Monsieur Saccapee and his son, an officer in the 
French army, became, at the same time, passionately at- 
tached to her. This singular fact is a forcible proof that 
her person, mind, and manners were unusually agreeable ; 
for she had been twice married, and the mother of seven 
children. Nor was her situation less perplexing than sin- 
gular. The good will of the whole family was indispensa- 
ble to her comfort, if not to her safety; and her purity she 
was determined to preserve, at the hazard of her life. In 
the house where both her lovers resided, conversed with 
her every day, and, together with herself, were continually 
under the eye of her mistress, the lovers a father and a 
son, herself a slave, and one of them her master, it will 
be easily believed that she met with very serious embar- 
rassments in accomplishing her determination. In this 
situation she made known her misfortunes to Col. Peter 
Schuyler, of Albany, then a prisoner at St. Johns. This 
gentleman well merits the most respectful and lasting re- 
membrance of every inhabitant of New. England, for his 
watchful attention to the safety of its settlements, and his 
humane interference in behalf of its captivated inhabit- 
ants. As soon as he had learned her situation, he repre- 
sented it to the governor, De Vaudreuil. The governor 
immediately ordered young Saccapee into the army, and 
enjoined on his father a just and kind treatment of Mrs. 
Howe. His humanity did not stop here. Being informed 
that one of her daughters was in danger of being mar- 
ried to an Indian of St. Francis, he rescued her from 
this miserable destiny, and placed her in a nunnery with 
her sister. Here they were both educated as his adopted 

" By the good offices of Col. Schuyler, also, who ad- 
vanced twenty-seven hundred livres for that purpose, and 
by the assistance of several other gentlemen, she was ena- 
bled to ransom herself and her four sons. With these 



children she set out for New England, in the autumn of 
1758, under the protection of Col. Schuyler, leaving her 
two daughters behind. As she was crossing Lake Cham- 
plain, young Saccapce came on board the boat in which 
she was conveyed, gave her a handsome present, and bade 
her adieu. Col. Schuyler, being obliged to proceed to 
Albany with more expedition than was convenient for his 
fellow-travellers, left them in the care of Major Putnam, 
afterwards Major-General Putnam. From this gentleman 
she received every kind ofiice which liis well-known hu- 
manity could furnish, and arrived, without any considera- 
ble misfortune, at the place of her destination. 

" After the peace of Paris, Mrs. Howe went again to 
Canada, to bring home her second daughter ; the eldest 
having been taken by Monsieur Vaudreuil to France, and 
married in that country to a gentleman named Louis. Her 
sister had become so attached to the life, customs, and reli- 
gion of a nunnery, and so alienated from her country, and 
even from her parent, as to be absolutely deaf, both to so 
licitation and authority. When she was compelled, by the 
peremptory orders of the governor, to leave the convent, 
she lamented bitterly her unhappy lot, and refused conso- 
lation. This is one among the many instances of the per- 
severance, art, and efficacy, with which the religious in 
Canada labored to make disciples of the children taken 
from New England. Beside all the horrors of war and 
captivity, the parent, in this case, was forced to suffer the 
additional and excruciatinor anojuish of seein^ his children 
lost to him in this world, and exposed to every danger of 
finally losing a better." 

Mirick, in his history of Haverhill, Mass., gives the fol- 
lowing account of two lads, who were captivated by the 
Indians in that place, in the year 1C95. 

*' Early in the fall, a party of Indians appeared in the 
northerly part of the town, where they surprised and made 
prisoners Isaac Bradley, aged fifteen, and Joseph Wliit- 
taker, aged eleven, who were at work in the open fields, 
near Mr. Joseph Bradley's house. The Indians instantly 
retreated with their prisoners without coramitting any fur- 



ther violence, until they arrived at their homes on the 
shores of Lake Witinipiscogee. Isaac, says tradition, was 
rather small in stature, but full of vigor, and very active 
and he certainly possessed more ehreudness than most of 
the boys of that age. But Joseph was a large overgrown 
boy, and exceedingly clumsy in his movements. 

*' Immediately after their arrival at the lake, the two 
boys were placed in an Indian family, consisting of the 
man, his squaw, and two or three children. While they 
were in this situation, they soon became so well acquaint- 
ed with the language, that they learned from the occasion- 
al conversations carried on in their presence between their 
master and the neighboring Indians of the same tribe, 
that they intended to carry them to Canada the following 
spring. This discovery was very afflicting to them. If 
their designs were carried into execution, they knew that 
there would be but little chance for them to escape; and 
from that time, the active mind of Isaac was continually 
planning a mode to effect it. A deep and unbroken wil- 
derness, pathless mountains, and swollen and almost impas 
sable rivers, lay between them and their beloved homes , 
and the boys feared if they were carried still further north- 
ward, that they should never again hear the kind voice of 
a father, or feel the fervent kiss of an affectionate mother, 
or the fond embrace of a beloved sister. They feared, 
should they die in a strange land, that there would be none 
to close their eyes — none to shed for them the tear of af- 
fection — none to place the green turf on their graves — 
and none who would fondly treasure up their memories. 

" Such were the melancholy thoughts of the young boys, 
and they determined to escape before their masters started 
with them for Canada. The winter came with its snow 
and wind — the spring succeeded, with its early buds and 
flowers, and its pleasant south wind — and they were still 
prisoners. Within that period, Isaac was brought nigh to 
the grave — a burnincr fever had raged in his veins, and 
^or manv days hp Unguished on a bed of sickness; but by 
.1x6 care ot tne squaw, nis mistress, wno treated them both 
with considerable kindness, he recovered. Again he felt a 
strong desire to escape, which increased with his strength, 
and in April, he matured a plan for that purpose. He 



appointed a night to put it in execution, without informing 
his companion, till the day previous, when he told him of 
his intentions. Joseph wished to accompany him ; to this 
Isaac demurred, and said to him, ' I'm afraid you won't 
wake.' Joseph promised that he would, and at night, they 
laid down in their master's wigwam in the midst of his 
family. Joseph was soon asleep and hegan to snore lusti- 
ly ; but there was no sleep for Isaac — his strong desire to 
escape — the fear that he should not succeed in his attempt, 
and of the punishment that would doubtless be inflicted if 
he did not — and the danger, hunger, and fatigue, that await- 
ed him, all were vividly painted in his imagination, and 
kept sleep or even drowsiness far from him. His daring 
attempt was environed with darkness and danger — he often 
revolved it in his mind, yet his resolution remained unsha- 
ken. At length the midnight came, and its stillness rested 
on the surrounding forest ; — it passed — and slowly and 
cautiously he arose. All was silent, save the deep-drawn 
breath of the savage sleepers. The voice of the wind was 
scarcely audible on the hills, and the moon, at times, would 
shine brightly through the scattered clouds. 

Isaac stepped softly and tremblingly over the tawny 
bodies, lest they should awake and discover his design, and 
secured his master's fire-works, and a portion of his moose- 
meat and bread ; these he carried to a little distance from 
the wigwam, and concealed them in a clump of bushes. 
He then returned, and bending over Joseph, who had all 
this time been snoring in his sleep, carefully shook him. 
Joseph, more asleep than awake, turned partly over, and 
asked aloud, ' What do you want V This egregious blun- 
ber alarmed Isaac, and he instantly laid down in his proper 
place, and began to snore as loudly as any of them. As 
soon as his alarm had somewhat subsided, he again arose, 
and listened long for the heavy breath of the sleepers. Ha 
determined to fly from his master before the morning 
dawned. Perceiving that they all slept, he resolved to 
make his escape, without again attempting to awake Jo- 
seph, lest, by his thoughtlessness, he should again put him 
in jeopardy. He then arose and stepped softly out of the 
wigwam, and walked slowly and cautiously from it, until 
he had nearly reached the place where his provisions were 



concealed, when he heard footsteps approaching hastily 
behind him. With a beating heart he looked backward, 
Rid saw Joseph, who had aroused himself, and finding that 
his companion had gone, concluded to follow. They then 
secured the fire-works and provisions, and without chart or 
compass, struck into the woods in a southerly direction, 
aiming for the distant settlement of Haverhill. They 
ran at the top of their speed until daylight appeared, when 
they concealed themselves in a hollow log, deeming it too 
dangerous to continue their journey in the day time. 

" Their master, when he awoke in the morning, was as- 
tonished to find his prisoners had escaped, and immediate- 
ly collected a small party with their dogs, and pursued them. 
The dogs struck upon the tracks, and in a short time 
came up to the log where the boys were concealed, when 
they made a stand, and began a loud barking. The boys 
trembled with fear lest they should be re-captured, and 
perhaps fall beneath the tomahawk of their enraged mas- 
ter. In this situation they hardly knew what was best to 
do ; but they spoke kindly to the dogs, who knew their 
voices, ceased barking, and wagged their tails with delight. 
They then threw before them all the moose-meat they had 
taken from the wigwam, which the dogs instantly seized, 
and began to devour it, as though they highly relished so 
choice a breakfast. While they were thus employed, the 
Indians made their appearance, and passed close to the 
log in which they were concealed, without noticing the 
employment of their dogs. The boys saw them as they 
passed, and were nearly breathless with anxiety. They 
followed them with their eyes till they were out of sight, 
and hope again took possession of their bosoms. The 
dogs soon devoured their meat, and trotted after their 

They lay in the log during the day, and at night pur- 
sued their journey, taking a different route from the one 
pursued by the Indians. They made only one or two meals 
on their bread, and after that was gone, they were obliged 
to subsist on roots and buds. On the second day they 
concealed themselves, but travelled the third day and 
night without resting ; and on that day they killed a pi- 
geon and a turtle, a part of which they ate raw, not daring 



to build a fire, lest they should be discovered. The frag- 
ments of their unsavory meal they carried with them, and 
ate of them as their hunger required, making their dessert 
on such roots as they happened to find. They continued 
their journey day and night, as fast as their wearied and 
mangled limbs would carry them. On the sixth day, they 
struck into an Indian path, and followed it till night, when 
they suddenly came within sight of an Indian encamp- 
ment, saw their savage enemy seated around the fire, and 
distinctly heard their voices. This alarmed them exceed- 
ingly ; and wearied and exhausted as they were, they had 
rather seek an asylum in the wide forest, and die within 
the shadow of its trees, than trust to the kindness of foes 
whose bosom's had never been moved by its silent work- 
ings. They precipitately fled, fearing lest they should be 
discovered and pursued, and all night retraced their steps. 
The morning came, and found them seated side by side 
on the bank of a small stream, their feet torn and covered 
with blood, and each of them weeping bitterly over his 
misfortunes. Thus far, their hearts had been filled with 
courage, and their hopes grew and were invigorated with 
the pleasant thoughts of home, as they flitted vividly 
across their minds. But now their courage fled, and their 
hopes had given way to despair. They thought of the 
green fields in which they had so often played — of the tall 
trees whose branches had so often overshadowed them — 
and of the hearth around which they had delighted to 
gather with their brothers and sisters, on a winter's even- 
ing, to listen to a story told by their parents. They thought 
of these — yea, and of more — but as things from which i 
they were forever parted — as things that had once given 
them happiness, but had forever passed away. 

"They were, however, unwilling to give up further ex- 
ertions. The philosophy of Isaac taught him that the 
stream must eventually lead to a large body of water, 
and after refreshing themselves with a few roots, they again 
commenced their journey, and followed its windings. They 
continued to follow it during that day, and a part of the 
night. On the eighth morning, Joseph found himself com- 
pletely exhausted ; his limbs were weak and mangled, his 
body was emaciated, and despair was the mistress of his 



bosom. Isaac endeavored to encourage him to proceed ; 
he dug roots for him to eat, and brought water to quench 
his thirst — but all was in vain. He laid himself down on 
the bank of the stream, in the shade of the budding trees, 
to die, far from his friends, with none fer companions but 
the howling beasts of the forest. Isaac left him to his fate, 
and, with a bleeding heart, slowly and wearily pursued his 
journey. He had travelled but a short distance, when he 
came to a newly-raised building. Rejoiced at this, and 
believing that inhabitants were nigh, he immediately re- 
traced his steps, and soon found Joseph in the same place 
and position in which he had left him. He told him what 
he had seen, talked very encouragingly, and after rubbing 
his limbs a lono- while, he succeeded in makinor him stand 
upon his feet. They then started together, Isaac part of 
the time leading him by the hand, and part of the time 
carrying him on his back ; and in this manner, with their 
naked limbs mang-led and wearied with travellincr, their 
strength exhausted by sickness, and their bodies emaciated 
almost to skeletons, they reached Saco Fort, some time in 
the following night. 

"Thus, on the ninth night, they arrived among their 
countrymen, after travelling over an immense forest, sub- 
sisting on a little bread, on buds and berries, and on one 
raw turtle and a pigeon, and without seeing the face of a 
friend, or warming themselves by a fire, Isaac, as soon 
as he regained his strength, started for Haverhill, and 
arrived safely at his father's dwelling, who had heard no- 
thing from him since he was taken, and expected never to 
see him again. But Joseph had more to suffer — he was 
seized with a raging fever as soon as he reached the fort, 
and was for a long time confined to his bed. His father, 
when Isaac returned, went to Saco, and brought home his 
!ong-lost son, as soon as his health permitted." 

Sarah Gerrisk, an interesting and beautiful child, seven 
years of age, fell into the hands of the Indians at Dover, 
N. H. She was the grand-daughter of Major Waldron. 
On that fatal night in which he was massacred, Sarah 
lodged at his house. Knowing that the Indians had 
entered the house, she crept into another bed to elude 



their search. Having found her, they ordered her to 
dress herself, and prepare to go with them. One of the 
Indians now became her master. He soon sold her to 
another, who took her with him to Canada. In her jour- 
neyings she met with numerous perils and calamities. 
Once her master told ]^cy to stand against a tree, and then 
charged his gun, as if he intended to shoot her. She was 
greatly terrified, fearing instant death. At another time, a 
squaw pushed her into the river ; but she saved herself by 
laying hold of some bushes which grew upon the shore. 
When she returned home, they inquired how she became 
so wet. But she was afraid to tell them. One morning 
they went on their way, leaving her fast asleep. When she 
awoke, she found herself covered with snow, in a hideous 
wilderness, exposed to become a prey to wild beasts, far 
away from any English inhabitants, and entirely alone. 
She arose and ran crying after the Indians, and by follow- 
ing their track upon the snow, at length overtook them. 
The young Indians would now terrify her, by telling her 
that she was soon to be burnt to death. One evening, after 
a large fire had been kindled, her master called her to him, 
and told her that she must be roasted alive. Upon which 
she burst into tears, and throwing her arms about his neck, 
earnestly entreated him to spare her life. He was so much 
affected by her melting importunity, that he desisted from 
his purpose, and told her, " that if she would be a good 
girl, she should not be burnt." 

Having arrived in Canada, she was sold to a French 
lady, and after an absence of sixteen months, was again 
restored to her parents. 





*' In the year 1646, a horrid plot was concerted among 
the Indians, for the destruction of a number of the princi- 
pal inhabitants of Hartford, Conn. Sequassen, a petty sa- 
chem upon the river, hired one of the Waronoke Indians 
to kill Gov. Hopkins and Gov. Haynes, with Mr. Whiting, 
one of the magistrates. Sequassen's hatred of Uncas was 
insatiable, and probably was directed against these gentle- 
men, on account of the just and faithful protection which 
they had afforded him. The plan was, that the Waronoke 
ladian should kill them, and charge the murder upon Un- 
cas, and by that means engage the English against him to 
his ruin. After the massacre of these gentlemen, Sequassen 
and the murderer were to make their escape to the Mo- 
kawks. Watohibrough, the Indian hired to perpetrate the 
murder, after he had received several girdles of wampum, 
as part of his reward, considering how Bushheag, the In- 
dian who attempted to kill the woman at Stamford, had 
been apprehended and executed at New Haven, conceived 
that it would be dangerous to murder English sachems. 
He also revolved in his mind, that if the English should 
not apprehend and kill him, he should always be afraid 
of them, and have no comfort in his life. He also recol- 
lected that the English gave a reward to the Indians who 
discovered and brought in Bushheag. He therefore de- 
termined it would be better to discover the plot, than to 
be guilty of so bloody and dangerous an action. In this 
mind, he came to Hartford a few days after he had received 
the girdles, and made known the plot." 

In September, 1676, Mr. Ephraim Howe, with his two 
sons and three others, set sail from Boston on their return 
to New Haven, in a small vessel of seventeen tons. When 
they had proceeded on their voyage as far as Cape Cod, 
the weather became tempestuous, and they were driven 
out to sea, where they were in imminent danger of perish- 
ing from the heavy waves which rolled over them. After 
surviving these dangers for eleven days, the eldest son of 
Mr. Howe died, and in a few days after, the youngest fol- 



[chap. IX. 

lowed him into eternity. They gave so much evidence in 
their last hours that they were prepared to leave the world, 
that their father was comforted under this heavy afllictioji. 
As the hands on board were now diminished, their danger 
was increased. But their trials and dangers were soon 
greatly augmented by the death of another of their num- 
ber. Half the company were now removed. Mr. Howe, 
Mr. Augur and a lad, were all that remained. Mr. Howe 
was obliged to lash himself to the vessel, to prevent his 
being washed overboard, and in this condition to stand at 
the helm, sometimes twenty, and at others thirty-six hours 
at a time. They were now at a loss whether to continue 
to strive for the coast of New England, or to bear away for 
the West India Islands At length, after looking to God 
in earnest prayer for direction, they concluded to con- 
tinue their efforts to reach New England. They proceeded 
on for a time, when the rudder of the vessel gave way, and 
was lost. All their hopes of being saved were now at an 
end. In this trying situation, they continued a fortnight. 
Mr. Howe, though suffering from great bodily infirmity, 
had hardly been dry for six weeks. In the seventh week, 
they were driven upon a ledge of rocks, over which the 
sea broke with great violence. They immediately cast 
anchor, got ready the boat, took a small quantity of pro- 
visions, and made for the shore. When they had landed, 
they found themselves upon a desolate island. They were 
now exposed to perish lor want of food. While in these 
deplorable circumstances, a heavy storm arose, which stove 
their vessel in pieces. A barrel of wine and half a barrel 
of molasses, together with some other things, which fur- 
nished them with the means of making a shelter to screen 
them from the cold, were driven ashore. They had pow- 
der and other necessaries for fowling, but there was little 
orame to be met with. Sometimes half a gull or crow, or 
some other fowl, with the liquor, was all that the three had 
at a meal. At one time, they lived five days without food. 
They were all preserved alive for twelve weeks, when Mr. 
Augur died. The lad survived until April. Mr. Howe 
was then left solitary and alone in his distressed situation. 

Three long months passed away, and no deliverance 
came, though vessels not unfrequently passed the island. 



and he used every possible means to make them acquainted 
with his condition. 

While thus excluded from the abodes of men, this ser- 
vant of the Lord observed many days of fasting and prayer, 
confessing his sins, and crying to God for deliverance. At 
last, it occurred to him that he ought to render devout 
thanks to the Most High for the favors which had been 
mingled with his trials, and especially for his remarkable 
preservation. Accordingly, he observed a day of thanks- 
giving. Immediately after this, a vessel bound to Salem, 
passing the island, discovered and took him on board. 
The vessel arrived at Salem, July 18, 1677, and Mr. Howe 
returned to his family at New Haven. 

Major Edward Gibbons, of Boston, who sailed for some 
other part of America, was, by contrary winds, kept so 
long at sea that those on board were reduced to great 
straits for want of provision. No relief appearing, they 
looked to heaven by fervent prayer. The wind still con- 
tinuing contrary, one of the company proposed that a lot 
should be cast, and one singled out to die, to relieve the 
hunger of the rest. After a long and sorrowful debate 
upon this shocking subject, they came to the result that 
it must be done. Accordingly the lot was cast, and one 
of the company was taken. But who shall take the life 
of the victim ? Who slay his companion in distress ? 
The deed is so revolting that no one feels prepared to per 
form it. And before any thing further is done in this 
matter, they again offer their ardent cries to God for help 
At this crisis, to their great joy, a large fish leaped into 
the boat. This afforded them a present relief; but it was 
soon eaten, and famine and distress again returned. They 
now cast a second lot, and another of their number was 
singled out to die. But still no one could be found to act 
as executioner. They again implored aid from above. A 
large bird soon came and lit upon the mast, and one of 
the men went and took it in his Jiand. " This was a 
second life from the dead." But the bird was soon de- 
voured. No land being yet in sight, and they again 
pinched with hunger, they resolved upon a third lot. Yet 
before taking the life of their fellow, they again sent up 
their earnest prayers to the Lord for relief They now 



[chap. li. 

looked and looked again to see if they could discover any 
relief approaching. At length, one of them espied a ship. 
They manned the long boat, and coming alongside, craved 
the privilege of being taken on board. They were re- 
ceived. It proved to be a French pirate. Major Gibbons 
petitioned for some bread, and offered all for it. But the 
commander, being one who had received kindness from 
Major Gibbons at Boston, replied, " Major, not a hair of 
you or your company shall perish, if it is in my power to 
preserve you." Accordingly he treated them kindly, and 
they arrived safely at their desired port. 

" In a storm which occurred in August, 1035, a bark 
belonging to Mr. Allerton, of Plymouth, was shipwrecked 
on an island in Salem harbor, and twenty-one out of 
twenty-three persons were drowned. The vessel was 
returning from Ipswich to Marblehead, having on board 
Mr. Anthony Thacher, his wife and four children, and 
Rev. John Avery, his wife and six children : they were 
recently from England, and Mr. Avery was about to settle 
at Marblehead. None of the company were saved except 
Mr. Thacher and his wife, who were cast on the island in 
a remarkable manner, while their four children perished. 
According to Dr. C. Mather, the vessel was dashed to 
pieces on a rock ; and while Mr. Avery and Mr. Thacher 
were hanging on the rock, Mr. Thacher holding his friend 
by the hand, and resolved that they should die together, 
Mr. Avery, having just finished a short and devout ejacu- 
lation, was by a wave swept off into the sea." Mrs. 
Thacher was sitting in the scuttle of the bark, which 
broke off ; she still cleaving to it was carried on shore. 
Mr. Thacher and wife remained on the island until the 
third day, when a shallop, coming to search for another 
that was missing in the storm, took them off. 

" At the first planting of Ipswich, as a credible man 
informed me," says Rev. Mr. Cobbett, minister of the 
place, " the Tarratee^is, or Easterly Indians, had a design 
to have cut off the inhabitants when there were but be- 
tween twenty an:l thirty men, old and young, belonging to 
the place, and at that instant most of them gone to the 
bay on business, having had no intimation of the plot 
The case was this. One Robin, a friendly Indian, came 


to John Perkins, a young man, living in a little hut upon 
his father's island, on this side of Jeoffry's Neck, and 
told him that, early on such a Thursday morning, four In- 
dians would come to entice him to go down the hill to the 
water-side, to truck with them, which if he did, he and 
all near him would be cut off ; for there were forty birchen 
canoes that would lie out of sight at the brow of the hill, 
full of armed Indians for that purpose. Of this he forth- 
with acquainted Mr. John Winthrop, who then lived in a 
house near the water, who advised him, if such Indians 
came, to carry it roughly towards them, and threaten to 
shoot them if they would not be gone ; and when their 
backs were turned to strike up a drum he had with him, 
and then discharge two muskets, that so six or eight young 
men who were mowing in the marshes hard by, keeping 
by them their guns ready charged, might take the alarm, 
and the Indians would perceive their plot was discovered, 
and haste away to sea again, which took place accordingly ; 
for he told me he presently after discerned forty such 
canoes shove off from under the hill, and make as fast as 
they could to sea." 

In the year 1626, the Plymouth colony established a 
trading-house on the Kennebec River. In 1639, the 
Indians in that vicinity, being in want of provisions, formed 
a plot to kill the English and take possession. In exe- 
cuting their purpose, some of them went into the house, 
where they found Mr. Willet, the master of the house, 
reading his Bible. His countenance being more solemn 
than usual, and not receiving them in that cheerful man- 
ner he commonly had done, they concluded that he was 
acquainted with their intention. They therefore went 
out, and told their companions that their purpose was 
discovered. They asked them how it could be. They 
replied they knew it from Mr. Willet's countenance ; and 
that he had discovered their plot from a book he was 
reading. They accordingly retired, and gave over their 
cruel purpose. 

A tradition in the family of Capt. Standish says, that 
a friendly native once came and told the captain, that a 
particular Indian intended to kill him ; that the next time 
he visited the wigwam he would give him some water, and 


while he should be drinking, the Indian would kill him 
with his knife. The next time the captain had occasion 
to go to the place, he remembered his trusty sword. He 
found a number of savages together, and soon had reason 
to believe the information which had been given him. It 
was not long before the suspected Indian brought him 
some drink ; the captain receiving it, kept his eye fixed 
on him while drinking. The Indian was taking his knife 
to make the deadly stab, when Standish instantly drew his 
sword, and cut off his head at one stroke ; amazed and 
terrified, the savages fled, and left our warrior alone." 

" In the town of Yarmouth, Mass., there was an Indian 
deacon, named Joseph Naughaut. He was once, while 
in the woods, attacked by a large number of black snakes. 
Not having a stick, a knife, or any article for defence, he 
knew not what to do. Knowing that he could not outrun 
them, he resolved to stand still on his feet. The snakes 
began to entwine themselves about him, and one reached 
his mouth, as if trying to enter ; the deacon opened his 
mouth, and the snake put in his head, when the deacon 
instantly clapped his jaws together, and bit off the ser- 
pent's head. The streaming blood from the beheaded 
frightened the rest of the snakes, and they all ran off." 

Among the preservations recorded in our early history, 
no one is more remarkable, perhaps, than that of the 
JudgcSy or regicides, so called. Barber's account of them 
is the following: Two of the judges of King Charles I. 
GofTe and Whalley, (commonly called the regicides,) on 
the restoration of Charles II. to the throne of his father, 
in order to save their lives, were obliged to flee the king- 
dom ; they arrived at Boston from England, the 27th of 
July, 1660, and took up their residence in Cambridge ; 
but finding it unsafe to remain any longer, they left that 
place, and arrived at New Haven the 7th of March, 1661. 
They were well treated by the minister and the magis- 
trates, and for some days thought themselves entirely out 
of danger. But the news of the king's proclamation being 
brought to New Haven, they wore obliged to abscond. 
The 27th of March they returned, and lay concealed in 
the house of Mr. Davenport, the minister, until the 30th 
of April. Mr. Davenport was threatened with being 



called to an account, for concealing and comforting trai- 
tors ; but the judges, who had before removed from Mr. 
Davenport's house, upon intimation of his danger, gene- 
rously resolved to deliver themselves up to the authorities 
of New Haven. They accordingly let the deputy govern- 
or, Mr, Leete, know where they were ; but he took no 
measures to secure them, and the next day some of their 
friends came to them and advised them not to surrender. 
Having publicly shown themselves at New Haven, they 
had cleared Mr. Davenport from the suspicion of conceal- 
ing them ; after which they returned to their cave, which 
still goes by the name of the Judges^ cave. It is situated 
on the top of West Rock, about half or three quarters of 
a mile from the southern extremity. It is a place well 
chosen for observing any approach to the mountain ; like- 
wise any vessel coming into the harbor, can from this rock 
be easily seen. The cave is formed on a base of perhaps 
forty feet square, by huge pillars of stone, fifteen or twenty 
feet high, standing erect and elevated above the surround- 
ing superficies of the mountain, surrounded with trees, 
which conceal it from observation. The apertures being 
closed with branches of trees, or otherwise, a well-covered 
and convenient lodgment might be formed, as these rocks, 
being contiguous at the top, furnished space below large 
enough to contain bedding and two or three persons. Mr. 
Richard Sperry, who lived on the west side of the rock, 
about a mile from this cave, supplied them daily v/ith 
food, sometimes carrying it himself, and at other times 
sending it by his boys, tied up in a cloth, with directions 
to leave it on a certain stump, from which the judges 
would take it. 

The incident which caused them to leave the cave 
was this : the mountain being a haunt for wild animals, 
one night as the judges lay in bed, a panther or cata- 
mount, putting his head into the aperture of the cave, 
blazed his eyeballs in such a frightful manner as greatly 
to terrify them. One of them took to his heels, and fled 
down to Sperry's house for safety. Considering this sit- 
uation too dangerous to remain any longer, it was aban- 

" Another place of their abode, in the vicinity of New 



Haven, was at a spot called the Lodge. It was situated 
at a spring, in a valley, about three miles west, or a little 
north-west, from the last-mentioned residence. North of 
it was an eminence, called the Fort to this day, from which 
there was full view of the harbor, to the south-east, seven 
miles off. There were several other places on and about 
the West Rock, which were used by them for places of 
concealment. The two mentioned, however, were their 
principal places. 

" Among the many traditionary anecdotes and stories, 
concerning the events which took place at and about the 
time the judges' pursuers were at New Haven, are the 
following : — 

" 1. The day they were expected, the judges walked 
out towards the Neck bridge, the road the pursuers must 
enter the town. At some distance from the bridge, the 
sheriff, who then was Mr. Kimberly, overtook them, with 
a warrant for their apprehension, and endeavored to take 
them. The judges stood upon their defence, and planted 
themselv es behind a tree ; being expert at fencing, they 
defended themselves with their cudgels, and repelled the 
officer, who went into town to obtain assistance, and upon 
his return, found they had escaped into the woods beyond 
his reach. 

"2. That immediately after this, during the same day, 
the judges hid themselves under the Neck bridge, where 
they lay concealed while the pursuivants rode over it and 
passed into town ; and that the judges returned to New 
Haven that night, and lodged at the house of Mr. Jones. 
All this, tradition says, was a preconcerted and contrived 
business, to show that the magistrates of New Haven had 
nsed their endeavors to apprehend them before the arrival 
of the pursuers. 

" 3. That when the pursuers were searching the town, 
the judges, in shifting their situations, happened, by acci- 
dent or design, at the house of a Mrs. Eyers, a respectable 
lady ; she seeing the pursuivants coming, ushered her 
guests out at the back door, who after walking a short 
distance, instantly returned to the house, and were con- 
cealed by her in one of the apartments. The pursuers 
coming in. inquired whether the regicides were at her 



house ; she answered they had been there, but were just 
gone away, and pointed out the course they went into the 
woods and fields. By her polite and artful address, she 
diverted their attention from the house, and putting them 
upon a false scent, thereby secured her friends. 

"4. That v/hiie the judges were at the house of Mr. 
Richard Sperry, they were surprised by an unexpected 
visit from their pursuers, whom they espied at a distance, 
as the causeway to the house lay through a morass, on 
each side of which was an impassable swamp. They 
were SQen by the judges when several rods from the house, 
who therefore had time to make their escape to the moun- 

"5. At or about the time the pursuers came to New 
Haven, and perhaps a little before, to prepare the minds 
of the people for their reception, the Rev. Mr. Davenport 
preached publicly from this text : Isaiah xvi. 3, 4. J'ake 
counsel, execute judgment, make tliy shadow as the night 
in the midst of the noon-day ; hide the outcasts, hetray 
not him that wandcreth. Let mine outcasts dwell with 
thee, Moah ; he thou a covert to them from the face of the 
spoiler. This doubtless had its effect, and put the whole 
town upon their guard, and united the people in caution 
and concealment. 

"On the 13th of October, 1664, they left New Haven, 
and arrived at Hadley the latter part of the same month. 
The last account of Goffe is from a letter dated 'JEben- 
ezer, (the name they gave their several places of abode) 
April 2, 1679.' Whalley had been dead some time before. 
The tradition at Hadley is, that they were buried in the 
minister's cellar, and it is generally supposed that their 
bodies were afterwards secretly conveyed to New Haven, 
and placed near Dixwell's, who was another of the judges. 
The supposition is strongly confirmed, by three stones yet 
remaining in the old buryincr-around, at New Haven, in 
the rear of the Centre church, which are marked E. W. 
for Whalley, M. G. for Golfe, and J. D. for Dixwell." * 

May 17, 1676, a battle was fought with the Indians at 
Turner's falls, situated in the township of Gill, Mass. The 

* See a letter received by GofFe from his wife, page 341. 



[chap. IX- 

English, in returning to Hatfield after the fight, were at- 
tacked by the Indians, and " for ten miles their passage was 
disputed inch by inch. Thirty-seven of them were killed 
on the march, and several others having been separated 
from the -main body by accident and lost their way, were 
taken and destroyed. The Rev. Mr. Atherton was one of 
those whom the confusion of the retreat early separated 
from the main body. Having lost his way, he wandered 
the night following, among the wigwams, undiscovered. 
The next day, exhausted with hunger, he offered to surren- 
der himself to them as a prisoner, but they declined re- 
ceiving him. He accosted them, but they would not an- 
swer. He walked towards them, and they fled. Upon 
this, he determined to make his way, if possible, to Hat- 
field by the river side, and after wandering several days, 
and suffering excessive hunger, arrived in safety. The 
Indians probably considered him as a sacred person, whom 
it was unlawful to injure." 

''Another case of remarkable preservation, occurred 
during this expedition. Mr. Jonathan Wells, of Hatfield, 
one of the twenty who remained in the rear when Turner 

began his march from the falls, soon after mounting his 

. . . . . ^ 

horse, received a shot in one of his thighs, which had pre- 
viously been fractured and badly healed, and another shot 
wounded his horse. With much difficulty he kept his sad- 
dle, and after several narrow escapes, joined the main 
body, just at the time it separated into several parties. At- 
taching himself to one that was making towards the swamp 
on the left, and perceiving the enemy in that direction, he 
altered his route, another party flying in a diflferent direc- 
tion. Unable to keep up with the party, he was soon left 
alone, and not long after, fell in with one Jones, who was 
also wounded. The woods being thick and the day 
cloudy, they soon got bewildered, and Wells lost his com- 
panion, and after wandering in various directions, acci- 
dentally struck Green River, and proceeding up the stream, 
arrived at a place, since called the country farms, in the 
northerly part of Greenfield. Passing the river, and at- 
tempting to ascend an abrupt hill, bordering the interval 
west, he fell from his horse exhausted. After lying sense- 
less some time, he revived and found his faithful animal 



standing by him; making him fast to a tree, he again lay 
down to rest himself, but finding he should not be able to 
remount, he turned the horse loose, and making use of his 
gun as a crutch, hobbled up the river, directly opposite the 
course he ought to have taken. His progress was slow 
and painful, and being much annoyed by musquetoes, 
towards night he struck up a fire, which soon spread in all 
directions, and with some difficulty he avoided the flames. 
New fears now arose; the fire, he conjectured, might 
guide the Indians to the spot, and he should be sacrificed 
to tlieir fury. Under these impressions, he divested him- 
self of his ammunition, that it might not fall into their 
hands — bound up his thigh with a handkerchief, and 
staunched the blood, and composing himself as much as 
possible, soon fell asleep. Probably before this, he had 
conjectured that he was pursuing a wrong course, for in a 
dream, he imagined himself bewildered, and was impressed 
with the idea that he must turn doivn the stream to find his 
home. The risino- of the sun the next morninor convinced 
him that his sleeping impressions were correct — that he 
had travelled from, instead of towards Hatfield, and that 
he was then further from that place than the falls, where 
the action took pla.ce. He was now some distance up Green 
River, where the high lands closed down to the stream. 
Reversing his course, he at length regained the level inter- 
val in the upper part of Greenfield, and soon found a foot 
path which led him to the trail of his retreating comrades; 
this he pursued to Deerfield River, which with much diffi- 
culty he forded by the aid of his gun ; ascending the bank, 
he laid himself down to rest, and being overcome with 
fatigue, he soon fell asleep ; but soon awaking, he dis- 
covered an Indian making directly towards him in a canoe. 
Unable to flee, and finding his situation desperate, he pre- 
sented his gun, then wet, and filled with sand and gravel, 
as if in the act of firing ; the Indian, leaving his own gun, 
instantly leaped from his canoe into the water, escaped 
to the opposite shore, and disappeared. Wells now con- 
cluded he should be sacrificed by others, who he knew 
were but a small distance down the river; but determining 
if possible to elude them, he gained an adjacent swainp, 
and secreted himself under a pile of drift wood. The 



Indians were soon heard in search of him, traversing the 
swamp in all directions, and passing over the drift wood ; 
but lying close, he fortunately avoided discovery, and after 
they had given up the search and left the place, he contin- 
ued his painful march through Deerfield meadows. Hun- 
ger now began to prey upon him, and looking about, he 
accidentally discovered the skeleton of a horse ; from the 
bones of which he gathered some animal matter, which 
he eagerly devoured, and soon after found a few birds, 
eggs and some decayed beans, which in some measure 
allayed the cravings of nature, and added to his strength. 
Passing the ruins of Deerfield, at dusk, he arrived the 
next morning at Lathrop's battle-ground, at Bloody 
Brook, in the south part of Deerfield, where he found 
himself so exhausted, that he concluded he must give 
up further effort, iie down and die. But after resting a 
short time, and recollecting that he was within about 
eight miles of Hatfield, his resolution returned, and he re- 
sumed his march over pine woods, then smoking with a 
recent fire; here he found himself in great distress from 
a want of water to quench his thirst, and almost despaired 
of reaching his approximated home. But once more rous- 
ing himself, he continued his route, and about mid-day, on 
Sunday, reached Hatfield, to the inexpressible joy of his 
friends, who had supposed him dead. After a long con- 
finement, Mr. Wells' wound was healed, and he lived to 
an advanced age, a worthy member of the town." 

In July, 1G90, the garrison at Exeter was assaulted, 
but was relieved by Lieut. Bancroft, with the loss of 
several men. One of them, Simon Stone, being shot in 
nine places, lay as if dead among the slain ; the Indians 
coming to strip him, attempted by two blows of a hatchet 
to sever his head from his body ; though they did not ef- 
fect it, the wovmds were dreadful. Our people coming upon 
them suddenly, they did not scalp him. While burying the 
dead, Stone was observed to gasp ; an Irishman present, 
advised them to give him another blow of the hatchet, and 
bury him with the rest; but his kind neighbors poured a 
little water into his mouth, then a little spirits, when he 
opened his eyes; the Irishman was ordered to haul a 
canoe on shore, in which the wounded man might be 



carried to a surgeon. He in a short time perfectly re- 

Daring Philip's war, Anthony Brackett and wife were 
captivated by the Indians. The Indians having convey- 
ed them as far as the north side of Casco Bay, news was 
received, that another party of savages had surprised and 
taken a store-house belonging to the English on the Ken- 
nebec River, and secured all the provisions. The Indians 
were greatly rejoiced at this intelligence, and being in 
haste to get on, that they might share in the spoils, allotted 
to Brackett and his wife each a burden to carry, promising 
them, that if they would hasten after, they should partake 
of the booty. Brackett's wife, having a little before ob- 
served an old birch-canoe lying by the water-side, devised 
a plan for their escape. In the prosecution of her plan, she 
asked the Indians to allow a negro man, whom they were 
also carrying captive, to remain with them and assist them 
in carrying their burdens ; which request they readily 
granted. She then desired them to leave one or two 
pieces of meat, which were not denied her. The Indians 
then left them, with the expectation that they would follow. 
But instead of this, they improved the opportunity to ef- 
fect their escape. Mrs. Brackett found a needle and thread 
in the house where they had been staying, with which she 
mended the canoe. They then crossed over eight or ten 
miles, to the south side of the bay, and so arrived in safe- 
ty at Black Point, where a vessel took them on board, and 
carried them to Piscataqua. 

One of the captives taken at Richmond's Island, in 
1675, was Thomas Cobbet. His father was the minister 
of Ipswich. After being wounded by a musket shot, his 
hands were fast tied, and in the division of the captives, it 
was his unfortunate lot to be assigned to an Indian of the 
worst character. Young Cobbet's first duty was to manage 
the captured ketch of Fryer, in sailing to Sheepscot, and 
from that place to paddle a canoe, carrying his master and 
himself, to Penobscot, and thence to their hunting ground 
at Mount Desert. He suffered the extremes of cold, fa- 
tigue, and famine ; and because he could not understand 
the Indian dialect, the savage often drew his knife upon 
him, threatening him with instant death. In hunting on a 



day of severe cold, he fell down in the snow, benumbed, 
famished and senseless. Here he must have perished, had 
not the more humane hunters conveyed him to a wigwam, 
and restored him. At another time, his savage master was 
drunk five successive days, in which he was fearfully rav- 
ing like a wild beast. To such an alarming degree did he 
beat and abuse his own squaws, that Cobbet, who knew 
himself to be much more obnoxious than they, to his fury, 
fled into the woods to save his life ; where he made a fire, 
formed a slender covert, and the squaws fed him. 

*' At the end of nine weeks, his master sent him to 
Mons. Castine for ammunition to kill moose and deer. He 
arrived at a most opportune hour, just before Mugg's de- 
parture to Seconnet, who readily called him by name. 
Ah! said Mugg, I saw your father when I went to Boston^ 
and I told him his son should return. He must be released 
according to the treaty. Yes, replied Madockawando ; 
hut the captain must give me the fine coat he has in the 
vessel; for his father is a great preachman, or chief speak- 
er, among Englishmen. — This request was granted, and 
young Cobbet saw his demoniac master no more." 

Mrs. Elisabeth Hurd, of Dover, N. H., with her three 
sons and a daughter, and some others, in returning from 
Portsmouth on that fatal night in which Major Waldron 
and his family fell into the hands of the Indians, " passed 
up the river in their boat unperceived by the Indians, who 
were then in possession of the houses; but suspecting 
danger by the noise which they heard, after they had 
landed, they betook themselves to Waldron's garrison, 
where they saw lights, which they imagined were set up 
for direction to those who niicrht be seekina a refuse. 
They knocked and begged earnestly for admission ; but 
no answer being given, a young man of the company 
climbed up the wall, and saw, to his inexpressible surprise, 
an Indian standina in the door of the house with his gun. 
The woman was so overcome with the fright, that she was 
unable to fly, but begged her children to shift for them- 
selves ; and they with heavy hearts left her. When she 
had a little recovered, she crawled into some bushes, and lay 
there till dayliglit. She then perceived an Indian coming 
toward her, with a pistol in his hand ; he looked at her, and 



went away ; returning, he looked at her again ; and she 
asked him what he would have ; he made no answer, but 
ran yelling to the house, and she saw him no more. She 
kept her place till the house was burned, and the Indians 
were gone ; and then, returning home, found her own 
house safe. Her preservation in these dangerous circum- 
stances was the more remarkable, if (as it is supposed) 
it was an instance of justice and gratitude in the Indians. 
For, at the time when the four hundred were seized in 
1676, a young Indian escaped and took refuge in her 
house, where she concealed him ; in return for which 
kindness, he promised her that he would never kill her, 
nor any of her family in any future war, and that he would 
use his influence with the other Indians to the same pur- 
pose. This Indian was one of the party who surprised 
the place, and she was well known to the most of them." 

" In the year 1696, Jonathan Haines, of Haverhill, 
Mass., and four of his children were captivated by the 
Indians The children were in a field, picking beans, and 
the father was reaping near by. The Indians, with their 
captives, immediately started for Penacook, (Concord.) 
When they arrived, they separated, and divided their pri- 
soners — one party taking the father and Joseph, and the 
other the three girls. The party which took the men 
started for their homes in Maine, where they soon arrived. 
The prisoners had remained with them but a short time 
before they escaped ; and after travelling two or three 
days with little or nothing to satisfy their craving appe- 
tites, the old man became wholly exhausted, and laid down 
beneath the branching trees to die. The son, who was 
young and vigorous, finding his efibrts vain to encourage 
his father, started onward. He soon found himself upon 
a hill, where he climbed a tall tree to discover signs of 
civilization, and heard, indistinctly, the sound of a saw- 
mill. With a glad heart he hastily descended, and follow- 
ing the sound, soon arrived at the settlement of Saco. 
Here he told the story of his escape, the forlorn situation 
of his father, and getting assistance and a bottle of milk, 
hastened back to him, and found him still lying on the 
ground, without the expectation of ever seeing the face 
of a friend. He drank some of the milk, which revived 



nim considerably, and with some assistance reached Saco. 
Here they remained until their strength was somewhat 
recruited, when they started for Haverhill, where they ar- 
rived without any further difficulty." 

" In the year 1G97, on the 5th day of March, a body 
of Indians again attacked this town, burnt a small number 
of houses, and killed and captivated about forty of the in- 
habitants. A party of them, arrayed in all the terrors of 
the Indian war-dress, and carrying with them the multi- 
plied horrors of a savage invasion, approached near to 
the house of a Mr. Dustan. This man was abroad at his 
'isual labor. Upon the first alarm, he flew to the house, 
with a hope of hurrying to a place of safety his family, 
consisting of his wife, who had been confined a week only 
in child-bed ; her nurse, a Mrs. Mary Teff, a widow from 
the neighborhood ; and eight children. Seven of his chil- 
dren he ordered to flee with the utmost expedition in the 
course opposite to that in which the danger was approach- 
ing; and went himself, to assist his wife. Before she 
could leave her bed, the savages were upon them. Her 
husband, despairing of rendering her any service, flew to 
the door, mounted his horse, and determined to snatch up 
the child with which he was most unwilling to part, when 
he should overtake the little flock. When he came up to 
them, about two hundred yards from his house, he was un- 
able to make a choice, or to leave any one of the number. 
He therefore determined to take his lot with them, and to 
defend them from their murderers, or die by their side. A 
body of the Indians pursued, and came up with him, and 
from near distances fired at him and his little company. 
He returned the fire, and retreated, alternately. For more 
than a mile, he kept so resolute a face to his enemy, reti- 
ring in the rear of his charge; returned the fire of the 
savages so often, and with so good success, and sheltered 
so effectually his terrified companions, that he finally lodged 
them all, safe from the pursuing butchers, in a distant house. 
When it is remembered how numerous his assailants were, 
how bold, when an overmatch for their enemies, how ac- 
tive, and what excellent marksmen; a devout mind will 
consider the hand of Providence as unusually visible in the 
preservation of this family. 




Another party of the Indians entered the house, im- 
mediately after Mr. Dustan had quitted it, and found 
Mrs. Dustan, and her nurse, who was attempting to fly 
with the infant in her arms. Mrs. Dustan they ordered 
to rise instantly, and before she could completely dress 
herself, obliged her and her companion to quit the house, 
after they had plundered it, and set it on fire. In company 
with several other captives, they began their march into 
♦ the wilderness ; she, feeble, sick, terrified beyond measure, 
partially clad, one of her feet bare, and the season utterly 
unfit for comfortable travelling. The air was chilly and 
keen, and the earth covered alternately with snow and 
deep mud. Her conductors were unfeeling, insolent, and 
revengeful. Murder was their glory, and torture their 
sport. Her infant was in her nurse's arms ; and infants 
were the customary victims of savage barbarity. 

The company had proceeded but a short distance, 
when an Indian, thinking it an incumbrance, took the 
child out of the nurse's arms, and dashed its head against 
a tree. What then were the feelings of the mother ! 

" Such of the other captives as began to be weary, and 
to lag, the Indians tomahaw^ked. The slaughter was not 
an act of revenge, nor of cruelty. It was a mere conve- 
nience, an effort so familiar, as not even to excite an 

Feeble as Mrs. Dustan was, both she and her nurse 
sustained, without yielding, the fatigue of the journey. 
Their intense distress for the death of the child, and of 
their companions ; anxiety for those they had left behind, 
and unceasing terror for themselves, raised these unhappy 
women to such a degree of vigor, that notwithstanding 
their fatigue, their exposure to cold, their sufferance of 
hunger, and their sleeping on damp ground under an 
inclement sky, they finished an expedition of about one 
hundred and fifty miles, without losing their spirits, or 
injuring their health. 

" The wigwam to which they were conducted, and 
which belonged to the savage who had claimed them as 
his property, was inhabited by twelve persons. In the 
month of April, this family set out with their captives for 
an Indian settlement, still more remote; and informed 



them, that when they arrived at the settlement, they must 
be stripped, scourged, and run the gauntlet, naked, be- 
tween two files of Indians, containing the whole number 
found in the settlement ; for such, they declared, was the 
standing custom of their nation. This information, you 
will believe, made a deep impression on the minds of the 
captive women, and led them, irresistibly, to devise all the 
possible means of escape. On the 31st of the same month, 
very early in the morning, Mrs. Dustan, while the Indians • 
were asleep, having awaked her nurse, and a fellow-prison- 
er, (a youth taken some time before from Worcester) de- 
spatched, with the assistance of her companions, ten of 
the twelve Indians. The other two escaped. With the 
scalps of these savages, they returned through the wilder- 
ness, and having arrived safely at Haverhill, and afterwards 
at Boston, received a handsome reward for their intrepid 
conduct from the legislature." 

" In the year 1G76, Scituate, Mass., was attacked by the 
Indians. During the assault, they entered the house of a 
Mr. Ewell. His wife was alone, save an infant grand- 
child, John Northey, sleeping in the cradle ; the house being 
situated beneath a high hill, she had no notice of the ap- 
proach of the savages, until they were rushing down the 
hill towards the house. In the moment of alarm, she fled 
towards the garrison, which was not more than sixty rods 
distant ; and either through a momentary forgetfulness or 
despair, or with the hope of alarming the garrison in sea- 
son, she left the child. She reached the garrison in safe- 
ty. The savages entered her house, and stopping only to 
take the bread from the oven, which she was in the act of 
putting in when she was first alarmed, then rushed forward 
to assault the garrison. After they had become closely 
engaged, Mrs. Ewell returned, by a circuitous path, to 
learn the fate of the babe, and, to her surprise, found it 
quietly sleeping in the cradle as she had left it, and carried 
it safely to the garrison. A few hours afterward, the house 
was burnt." 

" Among the prisoners taken by the Indians at Oyster 
River, N. H., in 1694, were Thomas Drew and his wife, 
who were newly married. He was carried to Canada, 
where he continued two years, and was redeemed ; — she 



to Norridgewock, and was gone four years, in which she 
endured every thing but death. She was delivered of a 
child in the winter, in the open air, and in a violent snow- 
storm. Being unable to suckle her child, or provide it 
any nourishment, the Indians killed it. She lived tourteen 
days on a decoction of the bark of trees. Once, they set 
her to draw a sled up a river, against a piercing north-west 
wind, and left her. She was so overcome with the cold, 
that she grew sleepy, laid down, and was nearly dead when 
they returned. They carried her senseless to a wigwam, 
and poured warm water down her throat, which recovered 
her. After her return to her husband, she had fourteen 
children. They lived together till he was ninety-three, and 
she eighty-nine years of age. They died within two days 
of each other, and were buried in one grave." 

On the 10th of June, 1697, the town of Exeter was 
remarkably preserved from destruction. A body of the 
enemy had placed themselves near the town, intending to 
make an assault in the morning of the next day. A num- 
ber of women and children, contrary to the advice of their 
friends, went into the fields without a guard, to gather 
strawberries. When they were gone, some persons, to 
frighten them, fired an alarm, which quickly spread throu2:h 
the town, and brought the people together in arms. The 
Indians, supposing that they were discovered, and quick- 
ened by fear, after killing one, wounding another, and 
taking a child, made a hasty retreat, and were seen no 
more there." 

"At Exeter, an attempt was made to kill Col. Hilton, an 
officer who had been active against the enemy, and whom 
they had marked for destruction. Secreting themselves 
near his house, they eagerly waited to execute their design 
In the mean time, ten men went from the house to their 
labor, and depositing their arms, commenced cutting grass. 
Observing this, the Indians crept between the arms and the 
laborers, and suddenly rushing on, fired, and killed four, 
wounded one, and captured three others. This produced 
an alarm, and saved the colonel from the snare." 

Rebekah Taylor, who was taken by the Indians, after 
her return from captivity, gave the following account, viz : 

'* That when she was going to Canada, on the back of 



Montreal River, she was violently insulted by Sampson, 
her bloody master, who, without any provocation, was re- 
solved to hang her ; and, for want of a rope, made use of 
his girdle, which, when he had fastened about her neck, 
attempted to hoist her up on the limb of a tree, (that hung 
in the nature of a gibbet,) but in hoisting her, the weiglit 
of her body broke it asunder, which so exasperated the 
cruel tyrant, that he made a second attempt, resolving, if 
he failed in that, to knock her on the head ; but before he 
had power to effect it, Bomazeen came along, who, seeing 
the tragedy on foot, prevented the fatal stroke." 

" A child of Mrs. Hannah Parsons, of Wells, the In- 
dians, for want of food, had determined to roast alive; but 
while the fire was kindling, and the sacrifice preparing, a 
company of French Mohawks came down the river in a 
canoe, with three dogs, which somewhat revived these hun- 
gry monsters, expecting to make a feast upon one of them. 
As soon as they got ashore, the child was offered in ex- 
change ; but the offer being despised, they tendered a gun, 
which they readily accepted, and by that means the child 
was preserved. 

" Samuel Butterfield, being sent to Groton as a soldier, 
was, with others, attacked by the Indians, while gathering 
in the harvest : his bravery was such, that he killed one, 
and wounded another, but being overpowered by strength, 
was forced to submit ; and it happened that the slain In- 
dian was a sagamore, and of great dexterity in war, which 
caused great lamentation, and enraged them to such a de- 
gree, that they vowed the utmost revenge : some were for 
whipping him to death, others for burning him alive; but 
differing in their sentiments, they submitted the issue to 
the squaw widow, concluding she would determine some- 
thing very dreadful ; but when the matter was opened, and 
the fact considered, her spirits were so moderate as to make 
no other reply than. Fortune V guerre. — Upon which some 
were uneasy, to whom she answered, 'If, by killing him, 
you can bring my husband to life again, I beg you study 
what death you please ; but if not, let him be my servant;' 
which he accordingly was during his captivity, and had 
favor shown him." 

Mrs. Mehetabel Goodwin, being captivated by the In- 



dians, had with her a child about five months old, which, 
through hunger and hardship, she being unable to nurse 
it, ollen cried excessively. Her Indian master told her 
that if her child were not quiet, he would soon dispose of 
it ; which led her to use all possible means to avoid giving 
him offence. Sometimes she would carry it from the fire 
out of his hearing, where she would sit up to her waist in 
snow for several hours, until it was lulled asleep. Thus, 
for several days, she preserved the life of her babe. At 
length, her master, lest he should be retarded in his jour- 
ney, violently snatched it out of its mother's arms, and be- 
fore her face, knocked out its brains, and, stripping off the 
few rags which covered it, ordered the mother to go and 
wash the bloody clothes. On returning from this melan- 
choly task, she saw her infant hanging by the neck in the 
crotch of a tree. She asked leave to lay it in the earth ; 
but her master said that it was better as it was, for now the 
wild beffets could not come at it, and she might have the 
comfort of seeing it again, if they should come that way. 
The journey now before them was long, it being her mas- 
ter's purpose to reach Canada, and there dispose of hiss 
captive. But the great length of the way, w^ant of food, 
and grief of mind, caused her in a few days to faint under 
her difficulties. At length, sitting down for repose, she 
found herself unable to rise, until she discovered her mas- 
ter coming towards her, with fire in his eyes, and his hatch- 
et in his hand, ready to bury it in her head. She fell upon 
her knees, and with weeping, and every expression of en- 
treaty, besought him to spare her life, assuring him that 
she doubted not but that God would enable her to walk a 
little faster. He was prevailed upon to spare her this time ; 
but soon after, her former weakness returning upon her, he 
was just about to put an end to her life, when two Indians, 
who at that time came in, called upon him to hold his hand. 
She was purchased by them, and afterwards carried to Ca- 
nada, where she remained five years, when she was brought 
back in safety to New England." 

In 1706, the Indians assaulted and burnt a garrison in 
Dunstable, N. H. " One woman only escaped. When 
the Indians attacked the house, she sought refuge in the 
cellar, and concealed herself under a dry cask. After 



[chap. IX. 

hastily plundering the house, and murdering, as they sup- 
posed, all who were in it, the Indians set it on fire, and im- 
mediately retired. The woman, in this critical situation, 
attempted to escape by the window, but found it too small • 
she, however, succeeded in loosening the stones till she 
had opened a hole sufficient to admit of her passage, and 
with the house in flames over her head, she forced herself 
«ut, and crawled into the bushes, not daring to rise, lest 
she should be discovered. In the bushes she°lay concealed 
until the next day, when she reached one of the neighbor- 
ing garrisons." ° 

*' A warlike tribe of Indians once came upon Killingly. 
Con., with the intention of murdering the whole white po- 
pulation. They arrived at a plain, and encamped beneath 
an old white oak tree. The settlers, being apprised of 
their arrival, were busy in preparation for defence. One 
of them, in the mean time, sallied forth alone to the spot 
where the red men were assembled. At the same moment 
the sachem was seen climbing the oak to reconnoitre the 
country. He had scarcely time to look, when he felt the 
bullet of the above-mentioned settler, who had given him 
a fatal wound. Though the individual who did this bold 
act was alone, yet the Indians, fearing that more lay 
concealed, and being without a leader, gave up the expe- 

The last action of any moment that occurred during 
queen Anne's war, " was at Mr. Plaisted's marriage with 
Capt. Wheelwright's daughter, of Wells, where happened 
a great concourse of people, who, as they were preparing 
to mount, in order to their return, found two of their 
horses missing ; upon which, Mr. Downing, with Isaac 
Cole and others, went out to seek them ; but before they 
had gone many rods, the two former were killed, and the 
others taken. The noise of the guns soon alarmed the 
guests, and Capt. Lane, Capt. Robinson, and Capt. Heard, 
with several others, mounted their horses, ordering twelve 
soldiers in the mean time to run over the field, being the 
nearer way ; but before the horsemen got far, they were 
ambushed by another party, who killed Capt. Robinson, 
and dismounted the rest ; and yet they all escaped, except 
the bridegroom, who in a few days after was redeemed by 




the prudent care of his Hither, at the expense of more 
than three hundred pounds." 

" On the hill north-west of the central village in Brook- 
field, Mass., a tower was built for the purpose of enabling 
the inhabitants to watch the movements of the Indians, 
and to obtain seasonable notice of their approach. It 
stood on an elevated rock. It is related that early in the 
evening of a cloudy day, the sentinel discovered Indians 
lurking in the woods at only a small distance from him. 
By inadvertence, a large portion of the guns which be- 
longed to the fort were left at the tower. The sentinel 
knew that if he gave the alarm, the inhabitants would 
come for their guns, and thus be exposed to the Indians, 
who were ready to destroy them. In this state of things, 
he waited till it became quite dark. In the mean time, 
he examined all the guns, and prepared for an attack. At 
length, he discharged a gun towards the place where he 
had seen the Indians. They returned his fire. As he 
was not exposed to injury from their muskets, he took a 
second piece, and whenever one of their guns was dis- 
charged, he fired at the light occasioned by it. Thus 
single handed, he carried on for some hours a contest with 
them. At length the firing ceased. In the morning, blood 
was found in several places in the vicinity of the tower. 
Marks' garrison stood near the south-west end of Wickar 
hoag Pond, on a knoll below the junction of the waters of 
the pond v/ith the duaboag River. It is related that one 
day Mrs. Marks, being left alone, discovered hostile Indians 
near the garrison, waiting for an opportunity to attack the 
settlement. She immediately put on her husband's wig, 
hat, great coat, and, taking his gun, went to the top of the 
fortification, and marched backwards and forwards, vo- 
ciferating, like a vigilant centinel, ' All's well, all's well.' 
This led the Indians to believe that they could not take 
the place by surprise, and they accordingly retired, without 
doing any injury." 

" In 1723, two Indians surprised and captivated one 
Jacob Griswold, as he was laboring in his field, bound 
him and carried him into the wilderness about twenty 
miles. They then stopped and made a fire, and fastening 
him down, one of them laid himself down to rest, and the 



[chap. IX. 

Other watched him. Grisvvold, unnoticed by his keeper, 
disengaged himself from all the cords which bound him, 
except the one which fastened his elbows. When the 
Indian appeared to be awake, and to have his eye upon 
him, he lay as still as possible ; but when he drowsed, and 
had not his eye upon him, he employed all his art and 
vigor to set himself at liberty. At length he disengaged 
himself from the cord which bound his arms, and per- 
ceiving that the Indians were asleep, he sprang, caught 
both their guns, and leaped into the woods. Their pow- 
der horns were hung upon their guns, so that he brought 
off both their arms and ammunition. He secreted him- 
self by a rock until the morning appeared, and then steered 
for Litchfield, guided by a brook which he imagined would 
lead him to the town. The Indians pursued him ; but 
when they approached him, he would lay down one gun 
and present the other, and they would draw back and hide 
themselves, and he escaped to the town." 

In Lovewell's fight, " Solomon Kies, of Billerica, in 
Mass., having fought until he had received three wounds, 
and lost much blood, crept to Ensign Wyman, and stating 
his situation, told him he was inevitably a dead man; but 
having strength left to creep along the side of the pond, 
where he intended to secure himself from the scalping 
knife, he fortunately found an Indian canoe, and with 
much difficulty rolled himself into it, and pushing it off, 
the wind wafted him several miles towards the fort. He 
then crept to land, and finding his strength increased, 
continued his route, and reached the fort, and at last got 
home, and was cured of his wounds." 

" Those Indians who had been concerned in taking 
Hanson's family at Dover, in a short time after their re- 
demption and return, came down with a design to take 
them again, as they had threatened them before they left 
Canada. When they had come near the house, they ob- 
served some people at work in a neighboring field by 
which it was necessary for them to pass, both in going 
and returning. This obliged them to alter their purpose, 
and conceal themselves in a barn, till they were ready to 
attack them. Two women passed by the barn, while they 
were in it, and had just reached the garrison as the guns 



were fired. They shot Benjamin Evans dead on the spot; 
wounded William Evans, and cut his throat; John Evans 
received a slight wound in the breast, which bleeding 
plentifully, deceived them, and thinking him dead, they 
stripped and scalped him. He bore the painful operation 
without discovering any signs of life, though all the time 
in his perfect senses, and continued in the feigned appear- 
ance of death till they had turned him over, and struck 
him several blows \vith their guns, and left him for dead. 
After they were gone off, he rose and walked, naked and 
bloody, toward the garrison ; but on meeting his friends 
by the way, dropped, fainting on the ground, and being 
covered with a blanket was conveyed to the house. He 
recovered, and lived fifty years." 

The subject of the following narrative was Mrs. Sarah 
Porterfield, who was for many years an ornament to the 
church in Georgetown, Me., and died much esteemed by 
her christian acquaintance. The account was written by 
a female friend, from her own lips. 

"I was born in Ireland, in the county of Donegal, in 
the parish of Kaphas, August 13, 1722. I had pious pa- 
rents, who instructed me in the christian religion, and set 
good examples before me. When I was about eleven 
years old, I trust God was pleased to effect a work of 
divine grace in my heart. 

" When I was about nineteen years old, my father went 
to Pennsylvania, in America, and finding a plantation suit- 
able for his family, he wrote over for my mother and the 
children to take passage in the first vessel, and come to 
Pennsylvania. Accordingly, my mother, with three daugh- 
ters, took passage on bo^ird a large ship, which was going 
with passengers to Philadelphia. 

"July 28, 1741, we sailed from Londonderry, Capt. 
Rowen being commander. For some time after we sailed, 
we had pleasant weather, and every thing was agreeable, 
excepting our sea-sickness. The ship's company daily 
assembled on the quarter-deck for prayers, which were 
performed alternately by four or five of the passengers, to 
the great satisfaction of many on board. 

" When we had been about three weeks at sea, a mor- 



[chap. IX» 

tal fever broke out, and spread through the whole ship's 
company. In this melancholy situation we were reduced 
to great distress. It is enough to make one's heart ache, 
to think of our condition. Not one was able to help 
another. My mother and children were preserved and 
restored to health. Thanks to God for such a mercy, 
when so many were daily dying around us. 

" But God, who knoweth all things, and never does any 
wrong to his creatures, did not suffer us to rest here. 
Sorer trials were appointed for us. When we had been 
ten weeks at sea, we were visited with a violent storm, in 
which our ship was much wrecked, and we were all very 
near being lost. The captain at that time thought we 
were near land, and expected every day to make it, and to 
get into port soon. But God had different purposes in 
view. The violence of the storm drove us to the east- 
ward. The sea raged greatly. Our masts gave way, and 
we were in a distressed situation, even at our wit's end. 
Then we cried unto the Lord, and he heard us, and came 
down for our deliverance. O that I could praise the 
Lord for his goodness, and for his loving kindness un- 
to us ! 

" At that time the captain thought proper to put ail 
hands on allowance, as he did not know where the ship 
was, or how long we should be continued in our present 
situation. His reckoning was out, and he knew not where 
to steer his course. One biscuit a day, a small portion of 
meat, and a quart of water, was all our allowance. This 
was continued for ten or twelve days ; then we were put 
upon half allowance, excepting the water, which was con- 
tinued the same. Ten days after, we spoke a ship, which 
supplied us with provision ; but our allowance was not in- 
creased. The storm was now abated, and we were re- 
lieved from some distressing fears. 

" October 28, made land on the eastern coast, found it 
to be a desolate island, or neck of land, inhabited only by 
a few Indians. The ship was anchored, and we remained 
a few days on board. The captain and others took the 
long-boat, and went, hoping to find some French inhabi- 
tants, but returned without any success. We were then 
ordered to land on this island. Accordingly, many boat- 



loads of people were landed, and scattered round the island, 
without any provision. The number of people could not, 
I presume, be less than a hundred. We were told that 
the last boats should bring us some provision, but were 
disappointed. No provision was sent us. Oh, the dis- 
tressed situation ! some crying, some almost distracted, 
not knowing what to do. Death seemed to stare us all 
in the face, and very soon marked out many for his 

" After we were landed, twenty or thirty of the passen- 
gers set out to look for inhabitants, but were never after 
heard of. Probably they all perished. The captain, mate, 
and seamen left the ship and went in search of inhabitants. 
After a few days' sail to the eastward, they fell in with land, 
and came to a place called Newharbor, about thirty miles 
east of Kennebec. Getting two small vessels there, they 
caine back for the plunder of the ship, which had been 
cast upon a small island, and broken to pieces. They tar- 
ried until they had collected what plunder they pleased to 
take, with which they returned to Newharbor, taking with 
them a few of the servants and passengers that were on 
the island. These were sold for their passage, but in this 
way delivered from their distressing situation. The rest 
of the passengers were left in the most melancholy circum- 
stances; but a kind Providence furnished us with some- 
thing to support nature. We found some muscles on the 
beach, which with sea-kelp and dulce, we boiled in a pot 
we had brouglit on shore, and were nourished by them. 
This was all the food we had for as much as two months. 
A distressing time! But God supported me even at that 
time, and gave me hopes of relief, which I ever maintained 
in the very darkest hour. Every day, more or less died 
around us. It was observed that the men failed sooner 
than the women, and that a greater proportion of them 
died. There was scarcely one to help another, as every 
one had sufficient to do for himself The provision for the 
day was to be sought in the day, as the manna was in the 

" The Indians soon visited us, and added much to our 
distress, robbing us of all they could find, which we had 
brought from the ship. In a severe snow storm, we hung 



[chap. IX. 

our clothes on trees to shelter us. The Indians came and 
took them down. When I offered to resist them, one 
drew his hatchet, and attempted to strike me. I drew 
back, and left them to take what they pleased. Among 
other things, they took our pot, in which we boiled our 
muscles, which increased our distress. At length, I pro- 
videntially thought of a sauce-pan, which some of the 
passengers had. I went and found it on the ground, the 
owners all being dead. 

" Some further particulars deserve to be mentioned. I 
was landed in one of the first boats. As my mother and 
sisters were landing, one of my sisters died. All being in 
confusion and trouble, there was no one to bury her but 
myself I performed that service w^ith great composure. 
I then had to take care of my mother and other sister, who 
were somewhat helpless. God gave me strength, so that I 
was enabled to do something for them, as well as for my- 
self For some time we appeared like a very thick neigh- 
borhood, being divided into separate companies. Our 
company consisted of nine persons. 

" When the boats were landing, as I stood on the beach, 
a child, about two years old, was put into my arms. I 
looked around to see who was to take it from me, but 
found no one that would own it. I inquired, Who takes 
care of this child ? A little boy, about twelve years old, 
answered. Nobody, ma'am, hut 1. O, how I felt, knowing 
that this child's parents had both died in the ship ! I was 
obliged to lay down the child, and leave it to the care 
of Him who had the care of us all. The boy and child 
were soon after found dead, lying together. A most sor- 
rowful sight ! 

'* I went to see a cousin of mine, who lay at a little dis- 
tance, in a feeble state, unable to rise. I asked her whe- 
ther she had any thing to eat. She said, yes, her ship- 
mates gave her muscles when they got any for themselves; 
but added, she could eat some boiled dulce, if she could 
get any. I told her I would get her some to-morrow. On 
the morrow, returning to see her, I found her dead, and 
several more by her. Walking along the shore, I found a 
boy, about seventeen years old, sitting very disconsolate, 
with a book in his hand. I said to him, ' What do you do 



here?' He answered, 'I am looking for the captain, who 
is coming to carry me off the island.' I said to him, * Did 
he promise you that favor V ' Yes,' he said. ' Well,' re- 
plied 1, ' don't depend upon it, for I don't believe he will 
ever come here again.' Upon this, he wept bitterly ; but 
I could not persuade him to give up his hope, and do some- 
thing for a subsistence. In a few days he was found dead, 
with his book open under his head. 

" The people began now to die very fast. There was 
no travelling any where, but dead bodies were found, as 
few were buried. All were so weak and helpless, that 
they had enough to do to keep life in themselves. In this 
distressing situation we remained until every person, of 
whom we had any knowledge, on the island, was dead, ex- 
cepting my mother, my sister, and myself At that time 
our fire went out, and we had nothing to strike with. Se- 
veral snows had fallen, but soon melted away. Another 
snov/ fell when we were in such distress for want of fire. 
This scene was of all the most hopeless ; nothing to cover 
us but the heavens, and nothing to eat but frozen muscles. 
In about one day after our fire went out, my mother died, 
and there she lay, a lifeless corpse by our side. We were 
not able to bury her, or do any thing with her. My sister 
began to fail very fast, and her spirits were very low. I 
laid me down beside a tree, to rest my head against it, but 
soon thought I must not lie there. I rose, and went down 
to the beach, got some frozen muscles, and carried them 
to my sister, who ate them. We then both sat down be- 
side a tree. Now my courage began to fail. I saw no- 
thing to expect but death, yet did not wholly give up my 
hope of deliverance. There we were, two distressed sis- 
ters, surrounded by dead bodies, without food or fire, and 
almost without clothing. I had no shoes to my feet, which 
were much swollen by reason of the cold. The ground 
was covered with snow, and the season was fast advancing, 
it being nearly the middle of December; so that we had 
every reason to expect that we should soon share the fate 
of our companions. But at that time God mercifully ap- 
peared for our relief, and thus showed himself to be the 
helper of the helpless. To our great surprise, we saw 
three men on the island, who, when they approached us, 



[chap. IX. 

appeared no less surprised to find us living. I took cou 
rage and spoke to thern. Having related to them our dis 
tress, one of them asked me if it were not better to be ser 
vants, than to die on the island. I said, yes. They then 
asked me several questions, which I answered as well as I 
could. They appeared pitiful, told us that they had come 
from Newharbor with two vessels for plunder, and offered 
to take us on board. We gladly complied with their invi- 
tation, and were hurried to the vessel. As I was rising from 
the frozen ground, by the assistance of one of the men, 1 
put out my hand to take a small bundle, which I had pre 
served through all our dilRculties, and which contained somp, 
clothes and books, especially my Bible. Seeing me attempt 
to take it, the men promised to take care of it for me. Trust 
ing to their honor, I left it with them, but never saw it 
more. I also desired to see my mother buried before I left 
the island. They engaged to see it done ; but I have rea- 
son to fear they never performed the engagement. After 
we were on board, they treated us very kindly. The cap- 
tain gave each of us a spoonful of spirit and half a bis- 
cuit. This was the first bread we had tasted for two 
months. When collecting the plunder, the people told us 
we should have whatever we claimed as belonging to us in 
the ship. This was more than we expected. After plun- 
dering the ship and stripping the dead, they sailed. Then 
1 saw the last of my miserable abode. In five days we ar- 
rived at Newharbor. Our new friends then appeared dis- 
posed to take advantage of us, and to sell us as servants 
to satisfy themselves for their trouble in saving our lives. 
This was a trial almost insupportable. 

"But to our great comfort, a man came on board, who was 
from the same place in Ireland from which we had come. 
He was kind and pitiful, and endeavored to comfort us. 
God then appeared for us, and raised up a friend, who 
came and took us to his house, and there tenderly enter- 
tained us, bidding us to be of good cheer, for he would 
not suffer such ruffians to take advantage of us. This 
gentleman gave us every consolation in his power, and 
conversed with us in a very christian manner, which was 
affecting and comforting. He proved very punctual in 
fulfilling his promises. We tarried with him, until we had 



50 far recovered, as to be able to work for our living. This 
gentleman wrote to my father in Pennsylvania, informing 
him of oar situation, and did all he could to forward the let- 
ter as soon as possible. This was about the last of Decem- 
ber, 1741. In the mean time he provided good places for 
us. My sister was sent to live with a friend of his, at a 
place since called Boothbay, and was very happily situated. 
Soon after she wont there, a happy revival of religion took 
place among the people. I trust that she was made a sub- 
ject of the work. I tarried at Newharbor through the 
winter. The next spring, I came to this place, (George- 
town,) and was employed in a family where I enjoyed the 
privileges of religion, as well as very kind treatment. Both 
the man and his wife were professors of religion, and were 
greatly animated by the good work which was going on in 
the place. At that time, there was manifest a general at- 
tention to reHgion. Having no minister, the people met 
tog her every Sabbath, and frequently on other days, for 
the Durpose of worshipping God in a public manner, by 
prayer, singing psalms, and reading instructive books. In 
this way their meetings were made both agreeable and 

" Some time in the summer, my father came to visit us. 
He intended to take us with him to Pennsylvania. But 
before his arrival, I had an olFer of marriage, which my 
situation seemed to urge me to accept. November, 1742, 
I was married. My father tarried with us through the 
winter. The next summer he took my sister and returned 
to Pennsylvania, where he spent the remainder of a very 
long life, as I trust, in the service of God. 

I lived very happily with my husband thirty years. 
We had eight children, two sons and six daughters. When 
I review God's dealings with me, in the various scenes of 
life, I am filled with wonder and amazement. Great has 
been his goodness, and great my unv/orthiness. I view 
him as my covenant God, who foresaw these trials, and 
was graciously pleased to prepare me for them, by taking 
me into covenant with himself He has upheld and sup- 
ported me under all my trials, so that I have abundant 
reason to say. He has ever been a present help in time of 
lued. I have reason, as it seems, more than any one on 



earth, to acknowledge God's goodness, which has been so 
abundantly manifested towards me, even from my youth. 

I am now seventy-six years old. My anchor of hope 
has been, for many years, cast within the veil. My faith 
rests on the Rock of Ages, against which the gates of 
hell can never prevail. Though winds and waves have 
often beat heavily upon me, my anchor never has been, 
and I trust never will be, moved. Notwithstanding the 
various trials of my life, I have never been left to renounce 
my hope, or to murmur against God, but would justify 
him in all he has laid upon me, considering his mercies to 
be much beyond all my afflictions. For his mercies have 
been new every morning ; great has been his faithfulness 
every night. And now unto Him, who has wrought all 
my deliverances, both spiritual and temporal, be ascribed 
the whole praise of my salvation. Amen." 

In August, 1746, " a party of Indians, meditating an 
attack upon Deerfield, came down upon the borders of the 
meadows, and reconnoitered them. They first examined 
the north meadow, and then the south. Finding a quan- 
tity of hay in the south meadow, two miles south of the 
street, and supposing that our people would be there at 
work the next day, they concealed themselves in the brush 
and underwood upon the borders of the adjoining hills. 
The next day, ten or twelve men and children, the men 
armed with guns, which they always carried with them, 
went into the fields and commenced their labor. A Mr. 
Eleazer Hawks was out hunting partridges on the hills 
where the Indians lay, that morning. He saw a partridge 
and shot it. This alarmed the Indians, who supposed 
they were discovered. They immediately killed and 
scalped Mr. Hawks, and then proceeded to attack the 
workmen. They fought some time, which gave some of 
the children opportunity to escape. In this engagement, 
three men and a boy were killed, one boy was taken pris- 
oner, and Miss Allen was wounded in the head and left 
for dead, but not scalped. In endeavoring to make her 
escape, she was pursued by an Indian with an uplifted 
tomahawk and a gun. She was extremely active, and 
would have outran him, had he not fired upon her. The 



ball missed her ; but she supposed it had struck her, and 
in her fright she fell. The Indian overtook her, and buried 
his tomahawk in her head, and left her for dead. The 
firing in the meadows alarmed the people in the street, 
who ran to the scene of action, and the Indians made a 
hasty retreat, and were pursued for several miles by a 
body of men under the command of Capt. Clesson. Miss 
Allen was passed by a number of people, who supposed 
her to be dead. At last, an uncle came to her, discovered 
signs of life, and conveyed her home. Her wound was 
dressed by Dr. Thomas Williams, who took from it con- 
siderable quantities of brain. She lived to be above eighty 
years of age." 

"Of the stratagems of savage warfare," says Whiton, 
''and the hair-breadth escapes of the scattered inhabitants 
of the remoter towns, we have a specimen in an occur- 
rence which took place at Westmoreland, about the year 
1757, though the precise date is unknown. A party of 
men went up the river to hoe corn on an island, some 
miles above their habitations; and having finished their 
work, passed over to the west bank, on their way home- 
ward. A large dog belonging to one of the company ran 
up the steep bank before them, when his angry growls led 
them to suspect the presence of an enemy lurking in 
ambush. Immediately they recrossed the river, and by a 
route on the east side reached home in safety. The dog 
was the instrument of their preservation. They afterwards 
learned the fact, that thirty Indians lay in concealment, 
ready to fire upon them the moment they should ascend 
the bank, and come fairly within their reach." 

"About the year 1747, one Davis, of Durham, being 
desirous to remove some boards from the mills in Notting- 
ham, in that part of the town known by the name of 
Gebeag, and much danger being apprehended from the 
Indians, it being a time of war with them, was strongly 
urged by his friends to desist from the undertaking. Some 
of these enemies were known to be lurking in those woods, 
but whether few or many, could not be ascertained ; but 
from the destruction of cattle, horses, sheep, and other 
domestic animals, known to be made by them, it was con- 
cluded that their numbers were considerable. Davis being 



a man of much resolution, would not be dissuaded from 
the undertaking, and prepared for his journey. He took 
no weapons of defence, nor any company, except a negro 
boy. There was then a kind of road where the old road 
now is, in which his way lay ; on the south side of which, 
and at a considerable distance from it, these mills were 
situated. Having loaded his team., consisting of four 
oxen, he left the boy to drive the team, and went forward 
for the purpose of making discoveries. When he had 
proceeded a few rods, his attention was arrested by the 
prints of huge moccasons in the sand, which, from their 
appearance, were just made. He was struck with terror, 
and thought himself ambushed on every hand. His pre- 
sence of mind did not, however, entirely forsake him, and 
he hurried back to his team, unyoked the oxen, told the 
boy what he had seen, and fled with all his might, bidding 
the boy to follow, toward Durham. Being six miles from 
any inhabitants, they were nearly exhausted with fear and 
fatigue when they arrived. A company of armed men 
were soon collected and returned to the spot, and were 
much surprised to find the cattle browsing, and all unhurt. 
After the war was over, which was then near to a close, 
the dangerous situation from which they escaped was dis- 
covered. There lived a tribe of Indians near the north 
part of what is now called North River Pond, near the 
line which now divides Nottingham from Northwood, and 
within the limits of the latter. At the head of this small 
tribe was a chief named Swausen. This chief, with one 
of his men, was out hunting, and happened to cross the 
road that Davis had passed but a few minutes before. 
He heard the team, and not knowing but that there were 
a large number of men with it, went directly for a rein- 
forcement. He soon returned with a recruit, but seeing 
the oxen unyoked, concluded it was a stratagem to draw 
them into an ambush, and fled with precipitation, as Davis 
had done before. This tribe soon after drew off to Can- 
ada, and after the war, some of them visited the frontiers, 
and gvive this account of the aff*air." 

" In the commencement of Philip's war in New Eng- 
land, in 1G75," says Rev. Daniel Barber, " this town 
(Simsbury) was burnt by the Indians, connected with 



which event, current tradition has preserved and handed 
down the following singular and extraordinary fact : — that 
very shortly before this attack by the Indians, early one 
Sunday morning, as Lieut. Probe's father was walking 
over the plain not far from his house, he very plainly and 
distinctly heard the report of a small arm, which nmch 
surprised him, it being the Sabbath. He found, on re- 
turning to his house, that his family also heard it. On 
going to meeting, at which the inhabitants from all parts 
of the town were assembled, it was ascertained that the 
report was heard at the same hour in every quarter. It 
was, on further examination, found to have been heard 
as far south as Saybrook, (fifty miles,) and as far north as 
Northfield, at that time the extent of the English settle- 
ments to the north. The report of this gun alarmed all 
Connecticut. The governor summoned a council of war 
to meet at Hartford ; and the council issued an order for 
the inhabitants of Simsbury, one and all, immediately to 
withdraw themselves to Hartford, the then capital. This 
order was punctually obeyed. The fearful apprehension 
of being suddenly murdered by savages, put in motion, 
and hastened along, whole bands of women and children, 
with men in the rear, with sheep, cattle, and such utensils 
and conveniences as their short notice and hasty flight 
would permit. Hartford was twelve miles distant. Their 
heavy articles, such as pots, kettles, and plough-irons, were 
secreted in the bottoms of swamps and wells, 

*' The father of the first Gov. Wolcott and his family 
were among those who fled from Simsbury. Old Mr. 
Wolcott filled up a large brass kettle with his pewter cups, 
basins, platters, &c.^nd then sunk the kettle with its con- 
tents in the deep mud of a swamp, but was never able to 
find it afterwards. 

" After the inhabitants had spent a day or two in their 
retreat, the men under arms -were sent back, for the pur- 
pose of looking about, and making discoveries. They 
came to the highest eminence in the road east of Simsbury 
River, from which, at one view, they could take a survey 
of the principal part of their habitations, which, to their 
gurprise and sorrow, were become a desolation, and every 



[chap, it 

house burnt to ashes. They saw no Indians, but plenty 
of Indian tracks and trails in the sand." 

'* In the Indian war, Isaac and Jacob Shepherd, of Lit- 
tleton, Mass., were killed, and a young maid, about the 
age of fifteen, was taken captive by the Indians. She had 
been set to watch the enemy on a hill, which lies about a 
third of a mile south of Nashoba Hill, on the road leading 
to Boston, and was called Quagana Hill. Tradition says, 
that this girl was carried by the savages to Nashaway, now 
called Lancaster, or to some place in the neighborhood 
of it; that in the dead of night, she took a saddle from 
under the head of her Indian keeper when sunk in sleep, 
increased by the fumes of ardent spirit, put the saddle on 
a horse, mounted on him, swam him across Nashaway 
River, and so escaped the hands of her captors, and arrived 
safe to her relatives and friends." 

Rev. Mr. Arnold, in his Historical Sketches of Alstead, 
N. H., relates the following story : — 

" The first child born in the place was Jacob Cady. 
An occurrence of his childhood is worthy of notice. The 
event happened in 1770, when he was about two yeara 
and a half old, while his father lived in the east part of 
the town, where Mr. Isaac Kent now lives. The region 
around was one vast wilderness, and thickly inhabited by 
beasts of prey. Jacob, v/ho was peculiarly dear to his mo- 
ther, left her in the afternoon to go to his father, chopping 
at a little distance in the woods. But when the father 
returned home at night, to their great surprise the child 
was missing. The anxious parents flew immediately in 
search of their little boy ; and the more they hunted, and 
called, as the thick darkness of nigit gathered around 
them, as their researches were found ineffectual, the more 
their anxiety increased, and their hopes desponded. The 
uight was spent in anxious search and awful suspense. 
But all their toil and care were vain. The light of the 
morning returned, and yet their child was lost. But the 
day was now before them, and parental affection does not 
easily relinquish its object. The neighbors, though dis- 
tant and few, were friendly and kind. Some immediately 
joined with the afflicted parents in ranging the woods, 
and others carried information to the neighboring towns 




But the day declined, and the hopes, which were for a 
while enkindled, again sunk in despondency, as the dark- 
ness closed upon the light. Fires were kindled, at dis- 
tances from each other, suited to direct their search, 
and to attract the attention of the child ; and numbers 
spent the night in fruitless attempts for his recovery. As 
the light of another day gilded the horizon, and invited 
their renewed exertions, multitudes were collected from 
Charlestown, Walpole, Keene, Marlow, and all the neigh- 
boring towns, (it is said that four or five hundred were 
collected) to lend their assistance, to make one united 
effort, and, if possible, to relieve the anxieties of these 
bereaved parents. Hope was again revived, and earnest 
expectations were entertained, as the bands went forth to 
scour the woods, with critical and careful attention to eve- 
ry nook, and every circumstance, that might show signs 
of the lost child. In their faithful searches among the 
rocks, forest trees, and fallen timber, at one time, they 
discovered the tracks of a child and those of a bear, or of 
fiome wild beast very near them. 

" Eager and trembling were the pursuers. Soon, how- 
ever, all indications of discovery disappeared ; and as the 
day began to decline, they relinquished their object as 
hopeless, and many returned to the house of Mr. Cady. 
' Alas !' said the mother, under the burden of fatigue, a 
want of sleep, and a spirit sinking in despair ; ' if I could 
know that the child was relieved from suffering, even by 
the devouring beasts, I could be still. Could I see a frag- 
ment of his torn limbs, I would say no more ! But can I 
lie down to rest, not knowing but my little Jacob is wan- 
dering and starving in yonder gloom ? Can a fond parent 
forget her child, or cease to look for the little wanderer 1 
Even the sleep of night would be disturbed by the vision- 
ary dreams of his suffering state, and the seeming cries for 
a mother's aid.' 

" Such artless eloquence as this, could not fail to move 
the generous feelings and noble sentiments which our fa 
thers inherited. It was sufficient to put in lively exercise 
that compassion and benevolence, that spirit of enterprise 
and perseverance, for which they were so much distin- 



Gen. Benjamin Bellows and Capt. Jennison, of Wal- 
pole, Capt. John Burroughs, of this town, Mr. Abner Bing- 
ham, of Marlow, and a few others who had not left the 
house, immediately determined to renew the search. And 
even the prospect of approaching night only served to 
hasten their steps, and nerve their weary limbs. They 
agreed on the following signal, and set off in the pursuit : — 
If they should discover any signs of the child, one gun 
was to be discharged ; if he should be found dead, or to 
have been destroyed, Udo gun§ were to be discharged, and 
if he should be found alive, the discharge of three would 
give notice. With anxious, though enfeebled solicitude, 
did the parents and those at the house listen to catch the 
first sound that might burst upon the ear, from the still ex- 
panse of the south. No sooner had their eager attention 
began to subside, than the first signal was heard. Every 
countenance instantly glowed with a fluctuating crimson, 
which told the emotions of joy and fear, that struggled al- 
ternately within. But these emotions soon gave way to a 
deadly paleness and fearful apprehensions, when the se- 
cond discharge was heard. Is the child dead ? was the 
secret inquiry of every look. Now all were breathless to 
hear, and were afraid they should not. But soon the third 
discharge broke the dreadful suspense, and burst the veil 
of uncertainty that hung over the scene. The change 
which so quickly succeeded, the joy that kindled in every 
breast, glowed in every countenance, and sf)arkled in every 
eye, can be more easily imagined than described. The 
child was found asleep, east, or south-east of Warren's 
Pond, and restored, with peculiar satisfaction and joyful 
•triumph, to the embrace of its delighted parents, by Gen. 
Bellows, of Walpole." 




It has been too commonly believed, that there is nothing 
interesting or lovely in the Indian character. The manner 
in which they have been spoken of by some writers, and 
by others, has greatly conduced to this impression. But 
the truth is, there have been traits of character e.xhibited 
among the Indians, which should excite our admiration, 
and win our esteem. Among these may be noticed 


Infanticide, so common in many heathen nations, was 
never practised, it is believed, by the aborigines of North 

In 1621, a boy named John Billington, belonging to 
Plymouth, was lost in the w^oods, and after subsisting for 
five days on berries, fell into the hands of the Indians, 
who carried him to Nauset. Ten men, accompanied by 
two friendly Indians, were sent by the governor to recover 
him. An incident occurred on their arrival, which shows 
the strength of an Indian mother's love, and that no length 
of years can eradicate it from her bosom. An aged wo- 
man, whom they concluded to be not less than a hundred 
years old, came to see them. She had never before seen 
any of the English. When she saw them, she was deeply 
affected, and wept excessively. The men inquired the 
reason why she was so much grieved. The Indians told 
them, that when Hunt was in these parts, which was in 
1614, three sons of this woman, going on board his 
vessel to trade, were secured, and carried captives to 
Spain, by which means she was deprived of the comfort of 
her children in her old age. The English told them that 
they were sorry that any Englishman should give them so 
much cause of offence, that Hunt was a bad man, that his 
conduct was condemned by all his countrymen, that tliey 
would do them no such injury. They gave the old woman 
a few small trifles, which somewhat allayed her grief. 



[cilAP. X 

" There dwelt near the river Saco, a sachem, whose 
squaw in passing along the river in a canoe, with her in- 
fant child, was met by some rude sailors, who, having 
heard that the Indian children could swim as naturally aa 
the young of the brutal kind, in a thoughtless and unguard- 
ed humor, overset the canoe. The child sunk, and the 
mother instantly diving ^ f etched it up alive.'' 


" Some years ago," says Sullivan, I was on the banks 
of the Kennebec, and saw a savage who, I supposed, was 
of the Norridgevvock tribe. His name was Quenockross. 
He had in his family, his mother and his wife. He had 
been wounded in the war, and was lame in one of his feet. 
His mother was very aged ; he had her in his canoe, with a 
blanket carefully spread over her, and when he came 
ashore, he kindled his fire, took her out in his arms, and 
laid her tenderly down by it. When lie had cooked his 
mess, he gave it to her, and he and his wife waited until 
she had done eating. Upon seeing me notice it, he exult- 
ingly pointed to her, and said, s7{e was his muthcr'' 

" When the French were in possession of New Orleans, 
a Choctaw, speaking very evil of them, said the Callapis 
sas were their slaves; one of the latter, vexed at such words, 
killed him with his gun. The nation of Choctaws, the 
greatest and most numerous on the continent, armed im- 
mediately, and sent deputies to New Orleans to ask for the 
head of the murderer, who had put himself under the pro- 
tection of the French. They offered presents to make up 
the quarrel ; but the cruel people would not accept any. 
They even threatened to destroy the village of the Calla- 
pissas. To prevent the effusion of blood, the unhappy In- 
dian was delivered up to them ; the Sienr Ferrand was 
charged with the commission. The Indian was called 
Tichou ; he stood upright in the midst of his own people, 
and of his enemies, and said, ' I am a true man, that is, I 
do not fear death ; but I pity the fate of a wife and four 
children, whom I leave behind me very young, and of my 
father and mother, who are old, and for whom I got sub- 
sistence by hunting.' He had hardly spoken the last word 

CII VP. X.] 



of tliis sliort speech, when his father, penetrated with his 
son's love, rose amidst the people, and spoke as follows: — 
*It is through courage tiiat my son dies; but, being young 
and full of vigor, he is more fit than myself to provide for 
his mother, wife, and four little children ; it is therefore 
necessary he should stay on earth to take care of them. 
As to myself, I am near the end of my career; I am no 
longer fit for any thing : I cannot go like the roe-buck, 
whose course is like the winds, unseen ; I cannot sleep 
like the hare, with my ears never shut ; but I have lived 
as a man, and will die as such ; therefore I go to take his 

" At these words, his wife, his son, his daughter-in-law, 
and their little ciiildren, shed tears round the brave old 
man ; he embraced them for the last time. The relations 
of the dead Choctaw accepted the offer; after that, he 
laid himself on the trunk of a tree, and his head was cut 
off with one strol^e of a hatchet. The French who assist- 
ed at this event, were moved even to tears." 


There is a practice in South America, by which the 
aged and incurably infirm are cut off from life, under a 
pretence of giving relief against the oppressions of age 
and disease ; that this is practised in South America may 
be supposed true, but the practice never prevailed among 
the Northern Indians. The aged are treated with peculiar 
and great veneration, and the sick are attended to with as 
much tenderness as the rude state of savage life can ad- 
mit of. An aged savage is now (1795) existing in the 
Penobscot tribe, who has numbered one hundred years 
since his birth, and who is treated with very great respect 
by his tribe. 

" John Carver, the man whose curiosity led him to travel 
far among the Indian tribes, tells us, that there is a great 
veneration among the North American Indians for their 
aged men ; that they regard them as prophets, and treat 
the grandfathers with more respect than they treat their 
immediate ancestors." 



[chap. X 


In July, 1621, the people of Plymouth deemed it expe- 
dient to send a friendly deputation to Massasoit, who lived 
at Pokanoket, forty miles distant, for the purpose of ascer 
taining his particular place of residence; to strengthen the 
treaty of peace lately entered into ; to view the country ; 
to learn his strength ; and procure corn for seed. The 
deputation consisted of Edward Winslow and Stephen 
Hopkins, who, accompanied by Squanto as guide and in- 
terpreter, commenced their journey on the second of July, 
taking a horseman's coat of red cotton, laced with a slight 
lace, as a present to the king. 

The narrator gives the following account of their jour- 
ney and entertainment. 

" We set forward," says he, " about nine o'clock in the 
morning, our guide resolving to lodge that night at Na- 
masket. We arrived at that place about three o'clock in 
the afternoon, the Indians entertaining us with joy, in the 
best manner they could ; giving us a kind of bread, called 
by them jnaizhun, and the spawns of shad, and gave us 
spoons to eat them with. We ate heartily, and after one 
of our men had shot a crow, at the request and to the 
great admiration of the Indians, Squanto told us we should 
hardly in one day reach Pokanoket, and moved us to go 
some eight miles further that night. 

*' Being willing to hasten our journey, we set out and 
came to the place at sunset. Here we found many of the 
Namasket Indians fishing upon a wear which they had 
made on a river, which belonged to them, where they 
caught abundance of bass. They welcomed us, and gave 
us of their fish, and we gave them of our victuals, not 
doubting but that we should have enough wherever Vv'e 
came. Here we lodged in the open fields ; for houses 
they had none, though they spent most of the summer 
there. The next morning, after breakfast, we took our 
leave and departed, being accompanied by six savages. 
Having gone about six miles by the river-side, we waded 
through it over to the other side. Having here refreshed 
ourselves, we proceeded on our journey, the weather being 
very hot. When we came to a small brook, where no 

CHAP. X.] 



bridge was, two of them oflfered, of their own accord, to 
carry us through, and fearing we were or should be weary, 
they offered to carry our guns. Tliey also told us, if we 
would lay off our clothes, we should have them carried ; 
and as one of them had received more special kindness 
from one of the messengers, and another from the other, 
so they showed their thankfulness accordingly, in affording 
us help and furtherance in the journey. At length we 
came to a town of Massasoit's, where we ate oysters and 
other fish. From thence we went to Pokanoket, but Mas- 
sasoit was not at home. He was soon sent for, and we 
waited his return. When he arrived, we discharged our 
guns, and saluted him, who after their manner kindly wel- 
comed us, and took us into his house, and set us down by 
him. Having delivered our message and presents, and 
having put the coat on him, and the chain about his neck, 
he was not a little proud to behold himself, and his men 
also were proud to see their king so bravely attired. He 
then told us we were welcome, and that he would gladly 
continue the peace and friendship which was between him 
and us ; he said he would send to Paomet, and would help 
us to corn for seed, according to our request. 

" After this, his men gathered near him, and he, turning 
himself, made a speech to them. This being ended, he 
lighted tobacco for us, and fell to discoursing about the 
English, and of their king. He talked also of the French, 
bidding us not to suffer them to come to Narraganset, for 
it was kuig James' country, and he was king James' man. 
Late it grew, but victuals he offered none ; for indeed he 
had none, he having come so newly home. So we desired 
to go to rest. He laid us on the bed with himself and 
wife, they at the one end, and we at the other, the bed be- 
ing only planks laid a foot from the ground, and a thin 
mat upon them. Two more of his chief men, for want of 
room, pressed by and upon us ; so that we were worse weary 
with our lodging, than of our journey. 

" The next day, many of their sachems came to see us, 
as did also many of their men. They desired to see one 
of us shoot at a mark. When we had shot, they wondered 
*o see the mark so full of holes. About one o'clock, Mas- 
sa&uit brought two fishes he had shot. These being boiled, 


[chap. X, 

there were at least forty who were looking for a share in 
them. The most ate of them. This was the only meal we 
had in two nights and a day ; and had not one of us bought 
a partridge, we had taken our journey fasting. He was very 
importunate to have us stay with them longer. But we 
desired to keep the Sabbath at home, and were afraid of 
bad effects from want of sleep ; for with bad lodging, the 
savages' barbarous singing, (for they used to sing them- 
selves asleep,) lice and fleas within doors, and musquetoes 
without, we could hardly sleep all the time of our being 
there. We feared that if we should stay any longer, we 
should not be able to reach home for want of strength. So 
that on Friday morning, before sunrise, we took our leave 
and departed ; Massasoit being both grieved and ashamed, 
that he could entertain us no better." 

In the year 1637, the government of Massachusetts 
deemed it important to send an embassage to Canonicus. 
chief sachem of the Narragansets. On receiving intelli- 
gence of their coming, he gathered together his chief 
counsellors and a great number of his subjects, for the 
purpose of giving them a friendly reception and entertain- 
ment. Having arrived, they were treated with great hos- 
pitality, being served in a royal manner, after the Indian 
custom. And, because on this occasion they would en- 
tertain them in an extraordinary manner, they sought to 
furnish a variety, after the custom of the English, boiling 
puddings made of pounded corn, putting in a great quan- 
tity of blackberries. After having nobly feasted their 
guests, they gave them audience in their state-house, which 
was constructed in an oval form, about fifty feet wide, 
made of long poles set in the ground, covered on all sides 
and on the top with mats, leaving a small hole at the top 
of the roof, to admit the light and to let out the smoke. 

"A ship's long-boat, having five men in her, was over 
set by a violent gust of wind. The men all got upon the 
keel, upon which they were driven to sea, and were four 
days floating there. During this time, three of them 
dropped off, and perished in the deep : on the fifth day 
the fourth man, being sorely pained with hunger, and sadly 
bruised, fell off into the sea, and was drowned with the 
rest of his companions. Soon after this, the wind changed 



and drove the boat with the fifth man on to Long Island, 
where being scarcely able to creep on shore, the Indians 
found him, cherished him, and preserved him " 

Belknap, speaking of the reception the Europeans who 
first visited Canada received from the natives, says, " Sus- 
pecting no danger, and influenced by no fear, they em- 
braced the stranger with unaffected joy. Their huts were 
open to receive him, their fires and furs to give warmth 
and rest to his weary limbs ; their food was shared with 
him, or given in exchange for his trifles ; they were ready 
with their simple medicines to heal his diseases and his 
■wounds; they would wade through rivers and climb rocks 
and mountains to guide him m his way, and they would 
remember and requite a kindness more than it deserved." 

" One M'Dougal, a native of Argyleshire, having emi- 
grated to Upper Canada, purchased a location on the 
extreme verge of civilization. His first care was to con- 
struct a house, and plant in the wild. This task finished, 
he spent his whole time, early and late, in the garden and 
the fields. By vigorous exertiorfS, and occasional assist- 
ance, he brought a few acres of ground under crop, and 
acquired a stock of cattle, sheep and hogs. 

" His greatest discomforts were, distance from his neigh- 
bors, the church, markets, and even the mill ; and along 
with these, the suspension of those endearing charities 
and friendly offices which lend such a charm to social 

" On one occasion, M'Dougal had a raelder of corn to 
grind, and as the distance was considerable, and the roads 
none of the smoothest, this important part of his duty 
could only be performed by starting with the sun, and 
returning with its going down. In his absence, the care 
of the cattle devolved on his spouse, and as they did not 
return at the usual hour, the careful matron went out in 
quest of them. Beyond the mere outskirts the forest was, 
to her, an unknown land, in the most emphatic sense of 
the term ; and with no compass, or notched trees to guide, 
it is not to be wondered at that she wandered long and 
wearily to little purpose, till at length, fatigued with the 
search, she deemed it prudent to retrace her steps, while 
it was yet time. But this resolution was much easier 



[chap. X 

formed than executed ; returning was as dangerous as 
going forward, and, aftef wandering for hours, she sunk 
on the ground, lier eyes swollen and filled with tears, and 
her mind agitated almost to distraction. But here she had 
not rested many minutes before she heard footsteps ap- 
proaching, and anon an Indian hunter stood before her. 
Mrs. M'Dougal knew that Indians lived at no great dis- 
tance ; but as she had never before seen a member of the 
tribe, her emotions were those of terror. The Indian had 
observed her, without being observed himself, knew her 
home, recognized her person, comprehended her mishap, 
divined her errand, and immediately beckoned her to follow 
him. The unfortunate woman understood his signal, and 
obeyed it, as far as terror left her power ; and, after a 
lengthened sweep, which added not a little to her previous 
fatigue, they arrived at the door of an Indian wigwam. 

" Her conductor invited her to enter, by signs ; but this 
she refused to do, dreading the consequence. Perceiving 
her reluctance, and scanning her feelings, the hospitable 
Indian darted into the wigwam and communed with his 
wife, who in a few minutes also appeared ; and by certain 
signs and sympathies, known only to females, calmed the 
stranger's fears, and induced her to enter their lowly abode. 
Venison was instantly prepared for supper, and Mrs. M' 
Dougal, though still alarmed at the novelty of her situa- 
tion, had rarely, if ever, partaken of so savory a meal. 
Aware that she was wearied, the Indians removed from 
their place near the roof, two beautiful deer skins, and, by 
stretching and fixnig them across, divided the wigwam 
into two apartments. Mats were also spread in both rooms, 
and, next, the stranger was given to understand that the 
further dormitory was expressly designed for her accom- 
modation. But here again her courage failed her, and to 
the most pressing solicitations she replied by signs, as well 
as she could, that she had rather sit and sleep by the fire. 
This determination seemed to puzzle the Indian and his 
squaw sadly. Often they looked at each other, and con- 
versed softly in their own language, and at last the red 
woman took the white one by the hand, led her to her 
couch, and became her bedfellow. In the morning she 
awoke greatly refreshed, and anxious to depart without 

CHAP. X.] 



further delay; but the Indian would on no account permit 
it. Jjreaktast was prepared, another savory and well- 
cooked meal ; and then the Indian accompanied his guest, 
and conducted her to the very spot where the cattle were 
grazing. These he kindly drove from the wood, on the 
verge of which Mrs. M'Dougal descried her husband, run- 
ning about every where, halloing and seeking for her, in .u 
state of absolute distraction. Great was his joy, and great 
his gratitude lo her Indian benefactor, who was invited to 
the house, and treated with the best the larder afforded, 
and presented, on his departure, with a suit of clothes." 

Williams, in his History of Vermont, says, " Among the 
savages, hospitality prevailed to a high degree. The 
Europeans every where found the most friendly and cor- 
dial reception, when they first came among the savages ; 
and from their hospitality they derived all the assistance 
the savages could afford them. It was not until disputes 
and differences had taken place, that the Indians became 
unfriendly. Even now, an unarmed, defenceless stranger, 
who repairs to them for relief and protection, is sure to 
find safety and assistance in their hospitality." 

" Hospitality," says another writer, " is one of the most 
prominent Indian characteristics, and has its source in an 
enlarged view of the goodness and justice of our heavenly 
Benefactor. The productions of the earth, with all the 
animals which inhabit it, are considered by them as a 
liberal and impartial donation to the whole family of man- 
kind, and by no means intended to supply only the wants 
of a few. Hence an Indian is ever free to give of all 
that he possesses, and will often share with strangers even 
to the last morsel, preferring to lie down hungry himself, 
than that a visitor should leave his door unfed, or that the 
sick and needy should remain uncherished and in want." 


" Mr.Winslow, returning from Connecticut to Plymouth, 
left his bark at Narraganset, and intending to return home 
by land, took the opportunity to make a visit to Massasoit, 
who, with his accustomed kindness, offered to conduct 
him home. But before they sat out, Massasoit secretly 


[chap. X 

despatched one of his men to Plymouth with a message, 
signifying that 3Jr. Winslow was dead, carefully directing 
his courier to tell the place where he was killed, and the 
time of the fatal catastrophe. The surprise and joy pro- 
duced by Mr. Winslow's return must have satisfied even 
Massasoit's ardent affection, when the next day he brought 
him home to his weeping family. When asked why he 
had sent this account, both false and distressing, he an- 
swered that it was their manner to do so, to heighten the 
pleasifre of meeting after an absence." 

"A little incident which occurred soon after the second 
French war, which ended in 17G3, exhibits striking traits 
of the sympathy and humanity of the Indians. A party 
of their warriors came to Concord, N. H., and encamped 
near the house of the Rev. ivlr. Walker, who was much 
respected by them, as well as loved by his parishioners. 
He being from home, his wife expressed apprehensions 
of danger. The Indians remarked to each other, 'Minis- 
ter's wife afraid.' To allay her fears, they gave up their 
guns, left them in her possession till they were ready to 
depart, and treated her with courtesy and respect." 

" An Inflian of the Kennebec tribe, remarkable for his 
good conduct, received a grant of land from the state, and 
fixed himself in a new township, where a number of fam- 
ilies were settled. Though not ill treated, yet the common 
prejudice against Indians prevented any sympathy with 
him. This was shown at the death of his only child, when 
none of the people came near him. Shortly afterwards, 
he went to some of the inhabitants, and said to them, 
* When loldt email's child die, Indian man be sorry — he help 
bury him. When my child die, no one speak to me — 1 
make his grave alone. I can no live here.' He gave up 
his farm, dug up the body of his child, and carried it with 
him two hundred miles through the forest, to join the 
Canada Indians." 


Not many years after the county of Litchfield, Conn,, 
began to be settled by the English, a stranger Indian came 
one day into an inn in the town of Litchfield, in the dusk 
of the evening, and requested the hostess to furnish him 

CHAP. X.] 



with some drink, and a supper. At the same time, he 
observed that he could pay for neitlier, as he had had no 
success in hunting, but promised payment as soon as he 
should meet with better fortune. The hostess refused him 
both the drink and the supper; called him a lazy, drunken, 
good-for-nothing fellow, and told him that she did not work 
so hard herself to throw away her earnings upon such 
creatures as he was. A man who sat by, and observed 
that the Indian, then turning about to leave so inhospita- 
ble a place, showed, by his countenance, that he was suf- 
fering very severely from want and weariness, directed the 
hostess to supply him what he wished, and engaged to pay 
the bill himself She did so. When the Indian had fin- 
ished his supper, he turned to his benefactor, thanked him, 
and assured him that he should remember his kindness, 
and whenever he was able, would faithfully recompense it. 
The Indian soon after withdrew. 

" Some years after, the man who had befriended him, 
had occasion to go some distance into the wilderness, be- 
tween Litchfield, then a frontier settlement, and Albany, 
where he was taken prisoner by an Indian scout, and car- 
ried to Canada. When he arrived at the principal settle- 
ment of the tribe, on the southern border of the St. Law- 
rence, it was proposed by some of the captors that he 
should be put to death. During the consultation, an old 
Indian woman demanded that he should be given up to 
her, that she might adopt him in the place of a son whom 
she had lost in the war. He was accordingly given to her, 
and lived through the succeeding winter in her family, 
experiencing the customary effects of savage hospitality. 
The following summer, as he was at work alone in the 
forest, an unknown Indian came up to him, and asked him 
to meet him at a place which lie pointed out, upon a given 
day. The prisoner agreed to the proposal, but not without 
some apprehensions that mischief was intended him. Da- 
ring the interval, these apprehensions increased to such a 
degree as to dissuade hi in effectually from fulfilling his en- 
gagement. Soon after, the same Indian found him at his 
work again, and very gravely reproved him for not perform- 
ing his promise. The man apologized, awkwardly enough, 
but in the best manner in his power. The Indian told 



[chap. X. 

him that he should be satisfied, if he would meet him at 
the same place on a future day, which he named. The 
man promised to meet him, and fulfilled his promise. 
When he arrived at the spot, he found the Indian provided 
with two muskets, ammunition for them, and two knap- 
sacks. The Indian ordered him to take one of each, and 
follow him. The direction of their march was south. 
The man followed, without the least knowledge of what 
he was to do, or whither he was going ; but concluded, 
that, if the Indian intended him harm, he would have de- 
spatched him at the beginning, and that, at the worst, he 
was as safe where he was, as he could be in any other 
place. Within a short time, therefore, his fears subsided ; 
although the Indian observed a profound and mysterious 
silence concerning the object of their expedition. In the 
day-time they shot such game as came in their way, and at 
night kindled a fire, by which they slept. After a tedious 
journey of many days, they came one morning to the top 
of an eminence, presenting a prospect of a cultivated 
country, in which was a number of houses. The Indian 
asked his companion whether he knew the ground. He 
replied eagerly that it was Litchfield. His guide then, 
after reminding him that he had, so many years before, re- 
lieved the wants of a famishing Indian at an inn in that 
town, subjoined, ' I that Indian ; now I pay you ; go home.' 
Having said this, he bade him adieu, and the man joyfully 
returned to his own house." 

In June, 1675, a man and a woman were slain by the 
Indians, and another woman was wounded and taken pri- 
soner ; but because she had kept an Indian child before, so 
much kindness was shown her as that she was sent back, 
after they had dressed her wound, and the Indians guarded 
her until she came within sight of the English. The wo- 
man's name was Dorothy Haywood." 

"In 1677, two Indians, named Simon and Andrew, ad- 
ventured to come over Piscataqua River, on Portsmouth 
side, when they burnt one house within four or five miles 
of the town, and took a maid and a young woman captive, 
one of them having a young child in her arms, with which 
they were not willing to be troubled, they permitted her 
to leave it with an old woman, whom the Indian Simon 

CHAP. X.] 



spared, because he said she had been kind to his grand- 

Rev. Mr. Curtis, in giving a historical sketch of Epsom, 
N. H., says, " The ferocity and cruelty of the savages 
were doubtless very much averted by a friendly, concilia- 
ting course of conduct in the inhabitants towards them. 
This was particularly the case in the course pursued by 
Sergeant Blake. Being himself a curious marksman and 
an expert hunter, traits of character, in their view, of the 
highest order, he soon gained their respect ; and by a 
course of kind tfeatment he secured their friendship to 
such a degree, that, though they had opportunities, they 
would not injure him, even in time of war. 

The first he ever saw of them, was a company of them 
making towards his house, through the opening from the 
top of Sanborn's Hill. He fled to the woods, and there 
lay concealed till they had made a thorough search about 
his house and enclosures, and had gone off. The next 
time his visitors came, he was constrained to become more 
ac(][uainted with them, and to treat them with more atten- 
tion. As he was busily engaged, towards the close of the 
day, in completing a yard for his cow, the declining snr\ 
suddenly threw along several enormous shadows on the 
ground before him. He had no sooner turned to see the 
cause, than he found himself in the company of a number 
of stately Indians. Seeing his perturbation, they patted 
him on the head, and told him * not to be afraid, for they 
would not hurt him.' They then went with him into his 
house ; and their first business was, to search all his bot- 
tles, to see if he had any 'Occapee,' rum. They then 
told him they were very hungry, and wanted something to 
eat. He happened to have a quarter of a bear, which he 
gave them. They took it and threw it whole upon the 
fire, and very soon began to cut and eat from it half raw. 
While they were eating, he employed himself in cutting 
pieces from it, and broiling upon a stick for them, which 
pleased them very much. After their repast, they wished 
for the privilege of lying by his fire through the night, 
which he granted. The next morning they proposed try- 
ing skill with him in firing at a mark. To this he ac- 
ceded. But in this, finding themselves outdone, they were 



much astonished and chagrined ; nevertheless, they highly 
commended him for his skill, patting him on the head, and 
telling him ' if he loould go off with them, they would make 
him their big captain' They used often to call on him, 
and his kindness to them they never forgot, even in time 
of war. 

" Plausawa had a peculiar manner of doubling his lip, 
and producing a very shrill, piercing whistle, which might 
be heard a great distance. At a time when considerable 
danger was apprehended from the Indians, Blake went 
into the woods alone, though considered hazardous, to 
look for his cow that was missing. As he was passing 
along by Sinclair's brook, an unfrequented place, northerly 
from M'Coy's mountain, a very loud, sharp whistle, which 
he knew to be Plausawa's, suddenly passed through his 
head, like th'e report of a pistol. The sudden alarm almost 
raised him from the ground, and with a very light step he 
soon reached home without his cow. In more peaceable 
times, Plausawa asked him if he did not remember the 
time, and laughed very much to think how he ran at the 
fright, and told him the reason of his whistling. * Young 
Indian,' said he, ^ put up gun to shoot Englishman. Me 
knock it doim, and whistle, to start you off' So lasting 
is their friendship when treated well." 


" Trained up to the most refined cunning and dissimu- 
lation in war, the Indian carries nothing of this into the 
affairs of commerce, but is fair, open, and honest in his 
trade. He was accustomed to no falsehood or deception 
in the management of his barter, and he was astonished at 
the deceit, knavery and fraud of the European traders. 
He had no bolts or locks to guard against stealing, nor did 
he ever conceive that his property was in any danger of 
being stolen by any of his tribe. All that train of infa- 
mous and unmanly vices which arise from avarice, were 
almost unknovvu to the savage state." 

When the English who settled at Nantucket began to 
plough the land, "the Indians would with delight, for 
whole days together, follow the traces of the ploughshare; 



and they earnestly entreated the English to plough their 
land for them. Their request was complied with. The 
Indians were religiously punctual in rewarding them for 
their labor. The first portion of corn collected in the 
autumn was laid by in baskets, to pay the English for their 
ploughing ; another parcel was reserved for seed. Nei- 
ther of these portions would they touch in winter, however 
severe the famine might be, so honest and careful were 
they at that period." 


After the death of Philip, as Capt. Church, with a small 
company, were in pursuit of Annmcon, his chief captain, 
" a certain Indian soldier, that Capt. Church had gained 
over to be on his side, prayed that he might have the 
liberty to go and fetch his father, who, he said, was about 
four miles from that place, in a swamp, with no other than 
a young squaw. Capt. Church inclined to go with him, 
thinking it might be in his way to gain some intelligence 
of Annawon; and so takino^ one Eno-lishman and a few 
Indians with him, leaving the rest there, he went with his 
new soldier to look for his father. When he came to the 
swamp, he bid the Indian go and see if he could find his 
father. He was no sooner gone but Capt. Church dis- 
covered a track coming down out of the woods, upon 
which he and his little company lay close, some on one 
side of the track and some on the other. They heard the 
Indian soldier making a howling for his father, and at 
length somebody answered him; but while they were lis- 
tening, they thought they heard somebody coming towards 
them. Presently they saw an old man coming up with a 
gun on his shoulder, and a young woman following in the 
track they lay by. They let them come between them, 
and then started up and laid hold of them both. Capt. 
Church immediately examined them apart, telling them 
what they must trust to if they told false stories. He 
asked the young woman what company they came from 
last. She said, from Capt. Annawon's. He asked her 
how many were in company with him when she left him. 
She said, ' fifty or sixty ' He asked her how many miles 




it was to the place where she left him. She said she did 
not understand miles, but he was up in Squannacnnk 
swamp. The old man, who had been one of Philip's 
council, upon examination gave exactly the same account. 
On being asked if they could get there that night, he 
answered, ' If we go presently, and travel stoutly, we may 
get there by sunset.' The old man said he was of Anna- 
won's company, and that Annawon had sent him down to 
find some Indians that were gone down to Mount Hope 
Neck to kill provisions. Capt. Church let him know that 
that company were all his prisoners. 

" The Indian who had been permitted to go after his 
father now returned, with him and another man. Capt. 
Church was now at a great loss what he should do. He 
was unwilling to miss of so good an opportunity of giving 
a finishing blow to the Indian power. He had, as himself 
says, but ' half a dozen men besides himself,' and yet was 
under the necessity of sending some one back to give 
Lieut. Howland, whom he left at the old fort in Pocasset, 
notice, if he should proceed. But without wasting time 
in pondering upon what course to pursue, he put the ques- 
tion to his men, ' whether they would willingly go with 
him and give Annawon a visit.' All answered in the 
affirmative, but reminded him ' that they knew this Capt. 
Annawon was a great soldier ; that he had been a valiant 
captain under Massasoit, Philip's father, and that he had 
been Philip's chieftain all this war.' And they further 
told Capt. Church that he was * a very subtle man, of great 
resolution, and had often said that he would never be 
taken alive by the English.' 

" They also reminded him, that those with Annawon 
were ' resolute fellows, some of Philip's chief soldiers, 
and very much feared that to make the attempt with such 
a handful of soldiers, would be hazardous in the extreme. 
But nothing could shake the undaunted resolution of Capt. 
Church, who remarked to them, ' that he had a lo«g time 
sought for Annawon, but in vain,' and doubted not in the 
least but Providence would protect them. All with one 
consent now desired to proceed. 

" A man by the name of Cook, belonging to Plymouth 
was the only Englishman in the company, except the cap- 


tain. Capt. Church asked Mr. Cook what his opinion of 
the undertaking was. He made no other reply than this, 

* I am never afraid of going any where when you are witli 
4ne.' The Indian who brought in his father, infornjed 
Capt. Churcli, that it was impossible for him to take liis 
horse with him which he had brought thus far. He there- 
fore sent him and his father, with the horse, back to Lieut. 
Rowland, and ordered them to tell him to take his prison- 
ers immediately to Taunton, and then to come out the 
next morning to the Rehoboth road, when, if alive, he 
hoped to meet him. 

" Things being thus settled, all were ready for tlie jour- 
ney. Capt. Church turned to the old man whom he took 
with the young woman, and asked him whether he would 
be their pilot. He said, ' You having given me my life, I 
am under obligations to serve you.' They now marched 
for Squannaconk. In leading the way, this old man would 
travel so much faster than the rest, as sometimes to be 
nearly out of sight, and consequently might have escaped 
without fear of being recaptured ; but he was true to 
his word, and would stop until his wearied followers 
came up. 

" Having travelled through swamps and thickets until 
the sun was setting, the pilot ordered a stop. The captain 
asked him if he had made any discovery. He said, 

* About this hour of the day, Annawon usually sends ont 
his scouts to see if the coast is clear, and as soon as it 
begins to grow dark the scouts return, and then we may 
move securely.' When it was sufficiently dark, and they 
were about to proceed, Capt. Church asked the old man if 
he would take a gun and fight for him. He bowed very 
low, and said, ' I pray you not to impose such a thing upon 
me as to fight against Capt. Annawon, my old friend ; but 
I will go along with you, and be helpful to you, and will lay 
hands on any man that shall olfer to hurt you.' They had 
proceeded but a short space, when they heard a noise, 
which they concluded to be the pounding of a mortar. 
This warned them that they were in the vicinity of Anna- 
won's retreat; which is situated in the south-easterly cor- 
ner of Rehoboth, about eight miles from Taunton Green. 
A more gloomy and hidden recess, even now, although 




the forest tree no longer waves over it, could hardly be 
found by any inhabitant of the wilderness. 

" When they arrived near the foot of the rock, Capt. 
Church, with two of his Indian soldiers, crept to the top 
of it, from whence they could see distinctly the situation 
of the whole company by the light of their fires. They 
were divided inio three bodies, and lodged a short distance 
from one another. Annawon's camp was formed by felling 
a tree against the rock, with bushes set up on each side. 
With him lodged his son and others of his principal men. 
Their guns were discovered standing and leaning against 
a stick resting on two crotches, safely covered from the 
weather by a mat. Over their fires were pots and kettles 
boiling, and meat roasting upon their spits. Capt. Church 
was now at some loss how to proceed, seeing no possibility 
of getting down the rock without discovery, which would 
have been fatal. He therefore creeps silently back again 
to the foot of the rock, and asked the old man, their pilot, 
if there was no other way of coming at them. He an- 
swered, ' No,' and said that himself and all others belong- 
ing to the company, were ordered to come that way, 
and none could come any other without danger of being 

" The fruitful mind of Church was no longer at a loss, 
and the following stratagem was put in successful practice. 
He ordered the old man and the young woman to go for- 
ward and lead the way, with their baskets upon their 
backs, and when Annawon should discover them, he would 
take no alarm, knowing them to be those he had lately 
sent forth upon discovery. Capt. Church and his handful 
of soldiers crept down also, under the shadow of those 
two and their baskets. The captain himself crept close 
behind the old man, with his hatchet in his hand, and 
stepped over the young man's head to the arms. The 
young Annawon discovering him, whipped his blanket 
over his head, and shrunk up in a heap. The old Capt. 
Annawon started up, and cried out, ' Howoh !' which sig- 
nified, * welcome.' All hope of escape was now fled for- 
ever, and he made no effort, but laid himself down again 
in perfect silence, while his captors secured the rest of the 
company. For he supposed the English were far more 



numerous than they were, and before he was undeceived, 
his company were all secured." 

" A number of citizens belonging to Massachusetts and 
New York, who had, in the year 1788, purchased of the 
state of Massachusetts a large tract of land lying west- 
ward of New York, and within the territories of the Six 
Nations, sent a committee into the Indian country, to 
treat with the natives about a quit-claim. The Indians 
heard of their coming, and supposing them to be another 
company, who were at the same purchase, sent 
them word to come no further, lest they should be involved 
in trouble. The committee, having advanced a consider- 
able distance into their country, were unwilling to retrace 
their steps without effecting the object of their mission. 
One of them. Major Schuyler, wrote a letter to the com- 
manding officer at Fort Niagara, explaining their inten- 
tions, and requesting his influence with the Indians in 
removing their apprehensions. One of the Indian messen- 
gers undertook to carry the letter to Fort Niagara, and 
bring back the answer. The committee remained where 
they were. In the mean time. Major Schuyler was taken 
sick, and sent towards Albany. The messenger returned, 
and being asked if he had got a letter in answer to the 
one he had taken, he told them (through the interpreter) 
that he had ; but looking round, observed, ' I do not see 
the man to whom I promised to deliver it.' They informed 
him of the cause of the major's absence ; but told him 
they were all engaged in the same business, had one heart, 
and that the letter was intended for them all, and wished 
he would deliver it. He refused. They consulted among 
themselves, and offered him fifty dollars as a reward for 
his services, and an inducement to deliver them the letter. 
He spurned at their proposal. They again consulted, and 
concluded, as they were sufficiently numerous to overpower 
him and the other Indians who were present, they would 
take it by force ; but first requested tlie interpreter to ex- 
plain to him the whole matter, the difficulty they were in, 
their loss of time, &.C., and their determination to have 
the letter. As soon as this was communicated to the In- 
dian, he sternly clenched the letter with one hand, drew 
his knife with the other, and solemnly declared, that if they 



[chap. X. 

should get the letter by violence, he would not survive the 
disgrace, but would plunge the knife in his own breast. 
They desisted from their purpose, and reasoned with him 
again; but he was inflexible. They then asked him. if he 
was willing, after having gone so long a journey, to go a 
hundred miles further for the sake of delivering tlie letter 
to Major Schuyler. He answered, ' Yes, I do not value 
fatigue ; but I will never be guilty of a breach of trust.* 
Accordingly he went, and had the satisfaction of com- 
pleting his engagement. The letter was favorable to their 
views, and they entered into a treaty for the land." 

" The first white settler who came to the town of New 
Milford, Conn., was John Noble, from Westfield, Mass., 
who came here in the year 1707. He brought with him, at 
first, one of his daughters about eight years old. He first 
built him a hut under what is called Fort Hill, but after- 
wards removed and pitched in the present centre of the 
town. Jt deserves to be mentioned, to the credit of the 
natives, that Mr. Noble once left his little daughter, eight 
years old, alone with them, for the space of three or four 
weeks, while he was necessarily absent from the town, and 
on his return he found she had been well treated, nnd 
taken exceedingly good care of." 


*'As Gov. Joseph Dudley, of Massachusetts, observed 
an able-bodied Indian, half naked, come and look on, as a 
pastime, to see his men work, he asked him why he did 
not work, and get some clothes to rover himself. The In- 
dian answered by asking him, ' tchy he did not work.' The 
governor, pointing with his finger to his head, said, ' / 
work head work, and so have no need to work with my 
hands as you should.' The governor told him he wanted 
a calf killed, and that if he would go and do it, he would 
give him a shilling. He accepted the oflTer, and went im- 
mediately and killed the calf, and then went sauntering 
about as before. The governor, on observing what he had 
done, asked him why he did not dress the calf before he 
left it. The Indian answered, ' No, no, Coponoh, (gover- 
nor,) that was not in the bargain. I was to have a shil- 



ling for killing hiin. Am he no dead, Coponoli?' The 
governor, seeing himself outwitted, told liim to dress it, 
and he would give him another shilling." 

This Indian having several times outwitted the governor, 
he, falling in with him sometime after, asked him by vvhat 
means he had cheated and deceived him so many limes. 
He answered, pointing with his finger to his head, lima 
work, Copojioh, head ?vork !" 

"A sachem being on a visit at the house of Sir William 
Johnson, told him one morning a dream which he had had 
the preceding night. This was no other than that Sir 
"William had given him a rich suit of military clothes. 
Sir William, knowing that it was an Indian custom to 
give to a friend whatever present he claimed in this man- 
ner, gave him the clothes. Some time after, the sachem 
was at his house again. Sir William observed to him that 
he also had had a dream. The sachem asked him w^hat. 
He answered, he dreamed that the sachem had given him 
a tract of land. The sachem replied, ' You have the 
land, but we no dream again.' " 

" An honest Indian deacon of Natick, being asked the 
reason why, when their young men were educated in En- 
glish families, and became acquainted with their habits 
and manners, on returning to their tribe they immediately 
became idle, indolent drunkards ; the deacon replied, 
'Tucks will be tucks, for all old htn he hatch m.' " 

" Among those who were so fortunate as to escape from 
the scene of slaughter which occurred at Pawtuxet River, 
R. I., in 1676, were several Cape Indians. One of these 
artful fellows, named Amos, finding further resistance im- 
possible, took from his pouch a black pigment, and color- 
ing his face so as to resemble the blackened visages of the 
enemy, and pretending to join them in the fight, watched 
an opportunity and fled into the woods and escaped. An- 
other, who had broken through the enemy, being closely 
pursued by a single Indian, betook himself to a large rock 
for a cover ; soon perceiving that his enemy had gained 
the opposite side, and lay with his gun ready to dischar2;e 
upon him, should he leave the place, he artfully raised his 
hat upon a pole, and immediately his enemy pierced it 
with a ball ; the Cape Indian, instantly raismg himself, 



shot his enemy dead. A third, who had escaped, and was 
pursued in a similar manner, covered himself behind a 
mass of earth, turned up with the roots of a tree ; seeing 
this, his antagonist halted, and prepared to shoot the Ciipe 
Indian, the moment that he should resume his flight; but 
the latter, by perforating his breastwork, made a convenient 
loophole, and shot his enemy before he discovered the 

*' A white trader sold a quantity of powd^ to an Indian, 
and im.posed upon him by making him believe it WC5 a 
grain which grew like wheat, by sowing it upon the ground. 
He was greatly elated by the prospect, not only of raising 
his own powder, but of being able to supply others, and 
thereby becoming immensely rich. Having prepared his 
ground with great care, he sowed his powder with the 
utmost exactness in the spring. Month after month passed 
away, but his powder did not even sprout, and winter 
came before he was satisfied that he had been deceived. 
He said nothing; but some time after, when the trader had 
forgotten the trick, the same Indian succeeded in getting 
credit of him to a large amount. The time set for pay- 
ment having expired, he sought out the Indian at his resi- 
dence, and demanded payment for his goods. The Indian 
heard his demand with great complaisance ; then looking 
him shrewdly in the eye, said, ' 3Ie pay you when my pow- 
der gj'Oic' This was enough. The guilty white man 
quickly retraced his steps." 

"'I am glad,' said the Rev. Dr. Y -s, to the chief 

of the Little Ottowas, ' that you do not drink whiskey. 
But it grieves me to find that your i)coph use so much of 
it.' 'Ah, yes,' replied the Indian — and he fixed an arch 
and impressive eye upon the doctor, which communicated 
the reproof before he uttered it — ' we Indians use a great 
deal of whiskey, but we do not make it.' " 

*'When Gen. Lincoln went to make peace with the 
Creek Indians, one of the chiefs asked him to sit down on 
a log. He was then desired to move, and in a few minutes 
to move still further. The request was repeated till the 
general got to the end of the log. The Indian said, 
* Move further.' To which the general replied, ' I can 
move no further.' * Just so it is with us,' said the chief, 

CHAP. X.] 



' you have moved us back to the waters, and then ask us 
to move further.' 

"'A Delaware Indian,' says Heckewelder, 'once shot a 
huge bear, and broke its backbone. The animal fell, and 
set up a most plaintive cry. The hunter, instead of giving 
him another shot, stood up close to him, and addressed 
him in these words : ' Harkee, bear ; you are a coward, 
and no warrior, as you pretend to be. Were you a warrior, 
you would show it by your firmness, and not cry and 
whimper, like an old woman. You know, bear, that our 
tribes are at war with each other, and that yours ?/as the 
aggressor. You have found the Indians too powerful for 
you, and you have gone sneaking about in the woods, 
stealing their hogs; perhaps at this time you have hog's 
flesh in your stomach. Had you conquered me, I would 
have borne it with courage, and died like a brave warrior. 
But you, bear, sit here and cry, and disgrace your tribe 
by your cowardly conduct.' " 


Annmcon, the last and bravest of Philip's chieftains, 
having on the evening of the 28th of August, 1GT6, fallen 
into the hands of Capt. Church, he " asked Annawon what 
he had for supper ; 'for,' said he, 'I am come down to 
sup with you.' Annawon replied, ' Taubut,' with a ma- 
jestic voice, and, looking around upon his women, ordered 
them to hasten and provide Capt. Church and his company 
some supper. He asked Capt. Church ' whether he would 
eat cow beef or horse beef.' He said he would prefer 
cow beef. It was soon ready, of which, by the aid of 
some salt he carried in his pocket, he made a very good 

" When supper was ended, Capt. Church set his men to 
watch, telling them that if they would let him sleep two 
hours, they should sleep all the rest of the night ; but 
after lying half an hour, and feeling no disposition to 
sleep from the momentous cares uponliis mind, he looked 
to see if his watch were at their posts : but they were all 
fast asleep. Annawon felt no more like sleeping than 
Church, and they lay for some time looking one upon the 



[chap. X, 

Other. Church spoke not to Annawon, because he could 
not speak Indian, and thought Annawon could not speak 
English ; but it now appeared that he could, from a con- 
versation they held together. Church had laid down with 
Annawon to prevent his escape, of which, however, he 
did not seem much afraid, for after they had lain a con- 
siderable time, Annawon got up and walked away out of 
sight. Being gone some time. Church ' began to suspect 
some ill design.' He therefore gathered all the guns close 
to himself, and lay as close as possible under young Anna- 
won's side, that if a shot should be made at him it must 
endanger the life of young Annawon also. After lying a 
while in great suspense, he saw by the light of the moon 
Annawon coming with somethin«*in his hands. When he 
had got to Capt. Church, he knelt down before him, and 
after presenting him what he had brought, spoke in English 
as follows: 'Great captain, you have killed Philip and 
conquered his country. For I believe that I and my com- 
pany are the last that war against the English ; so I suppose 
the war is ended by your means, and therefore these things 
belong unto you.' He then took out of his pack a beauti- 
fully wrought belt, which belonged to Philip. It was nine 
inches in breadth, and of such length as, when put about 
the shoulders of Capt. Church, reached to his ankles. 
This was considered at that time of great value, being 
embroidered all over with money, that is, wampampeag, 
of various colors, curiously wrought into figures of birds, 
beasts, and flowers. A second belt, of no less exquisite 
workmanship, was next presented, which had belonged to 
Philip. This that chief used to ornament his head with ; 
from the back part of which flowed two flags, which deco- 
rated his back. A third was a smaller one, with a star 
upon the end of it, which he wore upon his breast. All 
three were edged with red hair, which Annawon said was 
got in the country of the Mohawks. He next took from 
his pack two horns of glazed powder, and a red cloth 
blanket. These, it appears, were all of the effects of the 
great chief. He told Capt. Church that those were Philip's 
royalties, which he was wont to adorn himself with when 
he sat in state, and that he was happy in having an oppor- 
tunity to present them to him." 

CHAP. X.l 



A hunter, in his wanderings for game, fell among 
the back settlements of Virginia, and by reason of the in- 
clemency of the weather, was induced to seek refuge at 
the house of a planter, whom he met at his door. Admis- 
sion was refused him. Being both hungry and thirsty, he 
asked for a morsel of bread and a cup of cold water, but 
was answered in every case, ' No, you shall have nothing 
here. Get you gone, yon Indian dog!' It happened, in 
process of time, that this same planter lost himself in the 
woods, and after a fatiguing day's travel, became to an In- 
dian's cabin, into which he was welcomed. On inquiring 
the way, and the distance to the white settlements, being 
told by the Indian that he could not go in the night, and 
being kindly offered lodging and victuals, he gladly re- 
freshed and reposed himself in the Indian's cabin. In the 
morning, he conducted him through the wilderness, agree- 
ably to his promise the night before, until they came in 
sight of the habitations of the whites. As he was about 
to take his leave of the planter, he looked him full in the 
face, and asked him if he did not know him. Horror- 
struck at finding himself thus in the power of a man he 
liad so inhumanly treated, and dumb with shame on think- 
ing of the manner in which it was requited, he began at 
length to make excuses, and beg a thousand pardons, 
when the Indian interrupted him, and said, ' When you 
see poor Indians fainting for a cup of cold water, don't say 
again, ' Get you gone, you Indian dog.' He then dismissed 
him to return to his friends." 

"A young Indian, of the Pawnee nation, at the foot of 
the Rocky Mountains, at the age of twenty-one, by his 
heroic deeds had acquired the distinction of being called 
* The Bravest of the Brave.' The savage practice of tor- 
turing and burning to death, existed in this nation. An 
unfortunate female of the Paduca nation, taken in war, 
was destined to this horrible death. Her fatal hour had 
arrived — the trembling victim, far from her home and 
her friends, was fastened to the stake — the whole tribe 
was assembled on the surrounding plain, to witness the aw- 
ful scene. But, when the fiigots were about to be kindled, 
and the spectators were in the height of expectation, this 
young warrior, who sat composed among the chiefs — hav- 



[chap. XI. 

ing before prepared two fleet horses, with the necessary 
provisions — sprang from his seat, rushed through the crowd, 
loosened the victim, seized her arms, placed her on one 
of the horses, mounted the other himself, and made the 
utmost speed towards the nation and friends of the devo- 
ted captive. The multitude, dumb and nerveless with 
amazement at the daring deed, made no effort to rescue 
their victim from her deliverer. They viewed it as the 
act of the Great Spirit, submitted to it without a murmur, 
and quietly retired to their respective villages. 

" The released captive was accompanied through the 
wilderness towards her home, till she was out of danger. 
He then gave her the horse on which she rode, with the 
necessary provisions for the rest of the journey, and they 

These, then, are some traits of Indian character found 
in savage life, and they must be admitted to be lovely and 
of good report. But they are not holiness — that holiness, 
without which, no man shall sec the Lord; for they often 
exist where other parts of the character are directly op- 
posed to the requirements of the gospel. 



The following incident, which occurred in March, 1623, 
is related by Mr. Edward AVinslow. 

News came to Plymouth, that Massasoit was danger- 
ously sick, and that there was a Dutch ship driven upon 
the shore near his house. Now it being the manner of the 
Indians, when any, especially when persons of note are 
sick, for all v/ho profess friendship to them, to visit them 
in their extremity, either in person, or by sending others, 
therefore it was thought meet, that as we had ever pro- 
fessed friendship, we should manifest it, by observing this, 
their laudable custom, and the rather because we desired 



to have some conference with the Datch. The governor 
laid this service upon me, and having furnished me with 
some cordials to administer to Massasoit, I, in company 
with Mr. Hamden and Hobomack, set out, and lodged tlie 
first night at Namasket, where we had friendly entertain- 

*' The next day, about one o'clock, we came to a ferry 
in Corbitant's country, where, upon discharge of my gun, 
divers Indians came to us from a house not far distant. 
They told us that Massasoit Vv^as dead, that he was buried 
that day, and that the Dutch would be gone before we 
could reach there, they having hove off their ship already. 
This news greatly damped our spirits, and Hobomack was 
so disheartened, that he desired we might return with all 
speed. But considering that Massasoit being dead, Corbi- 
tant would most likely succeed him, that we were not 
above three miles from Mattapoiset, his dwelling place, 
and that this would be a favorable time to enter into more 
friendly terms with him, on condition Mr. Hamden and 
Hobomack would accompany me, I resolved to proceed, 
though I perceived that it would be attended with danger, 
in respect to our personal safety. 

" In the way, Hobomack manifested a troubled spirit, 
breaking out in the following language, ' Neen womasu » 
sagimus, neen womasu sagiinus, fcc. My loving sachem! 
my loving sachem ! many have I known, but never any 
like thee.' And turning to me, he said, * Whilst I live, I 
shall never see his like amongst the Indians ; he was no 
liar; he was not bloody and cruel, like other Indians. In 
anger and passion he was soon reclaimed, easy to be recon- 
ciled toward those who had offended him, ruled by reason, 
not scorning the advice of mean men ; governing his men 
better with few strokes, than others did with many ; truly 
loving where he loved ; yea, he feared the English had not 
a faithful friend left among the Indians,' &c., continuing 
a long speech, with such signs of lamentation and unfeign- 
ed sorrow, as would have atfected the hardest heart. 

"At length, we came to Mattapoiset; but Corbitant was 
not at home, he having gone to Pokanoket to visit Massa- 
soit. The squaw sachem gave us friendly entertainment. 
Here we inquired again concerning Massasoit ; they thought 



[chap. XI. 

him to be (lead, but did not certainly know. Whereupon 
I hired one to go with all expedition to Pokanoket, that 
we might know whether he was living or not. About half 
an hour before sunset, the messenger returned, and told 
us that he was not yet dead, though there was no hope we 
should find him living. Upon this intelligence we were 
much revived, and set forward with all speed. It was late 
at night when we arrived. 

' When we came to the house, we found it so full of 
men, that we could scarcely get in, though they used their 
best endeavors to make way for us. We found them in 
the midst of their charms for him, making such a noise as 
greatly affected those of us who were well, and therefore 
was not likely to benefit him who was sick. About him 
were six or eight women, who chafed his limbs to keep 
heat in him. When they had made an end of their charm- 
ing, one told him that his friends, the English, were come 
to see him. Having understanding left, though his sight 
was wholly gone, he asked who was come. They told 
him Winslow. He desired to speak with me. When 1 
came to him, he put forth his hand, and I took it. He 
then inquired, 'Keen Winslow?' which is to say, ' Art 
thou Winslow ?' I answered, ' Ahhe,' that is, * Yes.' Then 
he said, ' Matta neen wouckanet namen, Winslow,' that is 
to say, * O Winslow, I shall never see thee again.' I then 
called Hobomack, and desired him to tell Massasoit, that 
the governor, hearing of his sickness, was sorry, and 
though by reason of much business he could not come 
himself, yet he sent me with such things as he thought 
most likely to do him good in his extremity, and that if he 
would like to partake of it, I would give it to him. He 
desired that I wolild. I then took some conserve on the 
point of my knife, and gave it to him, but could scarce 
get it through his teeth. When it had dissolved in his 
mouth, he swallowed the juice of it. When those who 
were about him saw this, they rejoiced greatly, saying that 
he had not swallowed any thing for two days before. His 
mouth was exceedingly furred, and his tongue much swol- 
len. I washed his mouth, and scraped his tongue, after 
which I gave him more of the conserve, which he swal- 
lowed with more readiness. He then desired to drink. I 



dissolved some of the conserve in water, and gave it to 
him. Within half an hour, there was a visible change in 
him. Presently his sight began to come. I gave him 
more, and told him of an accident we had met with, in 
breaking a bottle of drink the governor had sent him, as- 
suring him, that if he would send any of his men to Patux- 
et, (Plymouth,) 1 would send for more. I also told him 
that I would send for chickens to make him some broth, 
and for other things, which I knew were good for him, and 
that I would stay till the messenger returned, if he desired. 
This he received very kindly, and appointed some, who 
were ready to go by two o'clock in the morning, against 
which time I made ready a letter. 

He requested that, the day following, I would take 
my gun,*and kill him some fowl, and make him some pot- 
tage, such as he had eaten at Plymouth ; which I promised 
to do. His appetite retiu-ning before morning, he desired 
me to make him some broth without fowl before I went out 
to hunt. I was now quite at a loss what to do. I, how- 
ever, caused a woman to pound some corn, put it into 
some water, and place it over the fire. When the day 
broke, we went out to seek herbs ; but it being early in the 
season, we could find none except strawberry leaves. I 
gathered a handful of them, with some sassafras root, and 
put them into the porridge. It being boiled, I strained it 
through my handkerchief, and gave him, at least, a pint, 
which he liked very well. After this, his sight mended 
more and more, and he took some rest. We now felt 
constrained to thank God for giving his blessing to such 
raw and ignorant means. It now appeared evident that 
he would recover, and all of them acknowledged us as 
the instruments of his preservation. 

*' That morning he caused me to spend in going from 
one to another of those who were sick in town, request- 
ing me to wash their mouths also, and to give to each of 
them some of the same that I gave him. This pains I 
willingly took. 

The messengers, which had been sent to Plymouth, 
had by this time returned, but Massasoit, finding himself 
so much better, would not have the chickens killed, but 
kept them that they might produce more. Many, whilst 



[chap. XI 

we were there, came to see him, some of them, according 
to their account, came not less than an hundred miles. 
Upon iiis recovery, lie said, ' Now I see tliat the English 
are my friends, and love me, and, whilst I live, I wiil never 
forget this kindness which they have shown me.' Wliile 
we were tlicre, we were belter enlertamed than any other 

** As we were about to come away, he called Ilobomack 
to him, and revealed to him a plot the Massachusetts had 
formed to destroy the English. He told him that several 
other tribes were confederate with them, that he, in his 
sickness, had been earnestly solicited to join them, but had 
refused, and that he had not suffered any of his people to 
unite with tliem. He advised us to kill the men of Massa- 
chusetts, who were the authors of this intended piischief. 
When we took leave of him, he returned many thanks to 
the governor, and expressed much gratitude to us for our 
labor of love. So did all who were about him." 

In 1G22, when the people of Plymouth were in great 
distress for want of rain, they set apart a day to seek God 
by solemn prayer, entreating him to appear in their behalf. 
An Indian, taking notice that during the former part of 
the day there was a very clear and hot sunshine, and that 
in the evening the rain fell in a sweet, soaking shower, 
was so much affected with the power the English had with 
their God, that he resolved from that day not to rest till 
he knew this great God. To this end he immediately 
forsook the Indians, and clave to the English; and not- 
withstanding all the enticements, flatteries and frowns of 
his countrymen, he could never be induced to forsake his 
christian friends, but died among them, leaving some good 
evidence that his soul went to rest." 

Squanto, who for some years had had familiar inter- 
course with the English, fell sick and died. " Not long 
before his death he desired the governor of Plymouth, 
who was present, to pray that he might go to the place 
where dwelt the Englishman's God." 

*'An Indian of the Pequot tribe, called Waquash, a 
captain who served in the wars against the English, when 
he saw their fort taken, and so many hundreds of the 
Indians killed in an hour's time, was smitten with the 



terrors of the Lord, and greatly affected to think of the 
greatness of the Englishman's God. This impression so 
followed him, that he could have no rest till he came to a 
knowledge of the God of the English. He was so impor- 
tunate in seeking him, that he caused the English, among 
whom he afterwards came, to spend more than half the 
night in conversing with him. Afterwards, coming to live 
M'ith the English at Connecticut, he would often sadly 
smite upon his breast, and complain of his naughty heart, 
adding, Waquash no know God, Waquash no know Jesus 
Christ. But afterwards it pleased the Lord so to move 
upon his heart, that he fully reformed his life, confessing 
his dearest sins, lust and revenge, and in many ways testi- 
fying that he had truly forsaken them. He afterwards, 
like the woman of Samaria, went among the Indians pro- 
claiming Christ ; warninor them to flee from the wrath to 
come, by breaking off their sins. Some of them were so 
filled with rage, that they gave him poison, which he took 
without suspicion. When they wished him to send for 
the powaws, who are their physicians and priests, he told 
them that ' if Jesus Christ say that Waquash shall live, 
then Waquash live ; but if Jesus Christ say Waquash shall 
die, then Waquash is willing to die.' He bequeathed his 
only child to the English. He died, as was charitably 
believed, a martyr for Christ, rejoicing in the hope that 
his child would know more of Christ than its poor father 

" While settlements and churches were forming in vari- 
ous parts of Connecticut, some pains were taken to 
christianize the Indians. The Rev. Mr. Fitch was par- 
ticularly desired by the government to teach Uncas and 
his family Christianity. A large Bible, printed in the 
Indian language, was provided and given to the Mohegan 
sachems, that they might read the scriptures. Catechisms 
were prepared by Mr. Eliot and others, and distributed 
among the Indians. Mr. Stone and Mr. Newton were 
employed by the colony to teach the Indians in Hartford, 
Windsor. Farmington, and vicinity, and one John Minor 
was employed as an interpreter, and was taken into Mr. 
Stone's family, that he might be further instructed and 
prepared for that service. The Rev. Mr. Pierson, it seems, 



[chap. XI. 

learned tlie Indian language, and preached to the Con- 
necticut Indians. Several Indians, in one town and an- 
other, became christians, and were baptized and admitted 
to full communion in the English churches. 

The gospel, however, had by far the most happy effect 
upon the Quinibaug, or Plainfield Indians. They ever 
lived peacefully with the English, and about the year 1745, 
in time of the great awakening and reformation in New 
England, ihey were greatly affected with the truths of the 
gospel, professed Christianity, and gave the clearest evi- 
dence of real conversion to God. They were filled with 
the knowledge of salvation, and expressed it to admiration. 
They were entirely reformed. They became temperate, 
held religious meetings, and numbers formed themselves 
into a church state, and had the sacraments administered 
to them." 

Some of the Indians who were taken into English 
families in Massachusetts attained to some acquaintance 
with the principles of religion, and seemed to be affected 
with what they had been taught concerning their existence 
after death, and with the fears of the divine displeasure. 
John, the sagamore of Massachusetts, would sometimes 
praise the English and their God, saying, ' Much good 
men, much good God.' " 

In the year 1633, the small pox prevailed among the 
Massachusetts Indians, and was attended with great mor- 
tality. "The English took many of their children, but 
most of them died. John, the sagamore, died, and most 
of his people ; thirty of whom were buried in one day. 
He desired to be brought among the English, and promised 
that if he recovered, he would live with them and serve 
their God. He left one son, which he gave to Mr. Wilson, 
pastor of the church in Boston. He died in the persua- 
sion that he should go to the Englishman's God. Several 
of them, in their sickness, confessed that the Englishman's 
God was a good God, and that if they recovered they 
would serve him. They were much affected to see that 
when their own people forsook them, the English came 
daily and ministered to them." 

Several of the early ministers of New England distin- 
guished themselves by their devoted and zealous labors in 



behalf of the ignorant and degraded savages. Of these 
the most eminent were the Rev. John Eliot, and the May 
hews. Mr. Eliot came to New England in 1G31, and was 
settled as teacher of the church in Roxbury, November 5, 
He is usually styled the Apostle of the Indians. 
His heart was touched with the wretched condition of 
the Indians, and he became eagerly desirous of making 
them acquainted with the glad tidings of salvation. There 
were, at the time when he began his missionary exertions, 
near twenty tribes of Indians within the limits of the 
English planters. But they were very similar in manners, 
lancruacre, and religion. Having learned the barbarous 
dialect, he first preached to an assembly of Indians at 
Nonantum, in the present town of Newtown, October 28, 
164G. After a short prayer, he explained the command- 
ments, described the character and sufferings of Christ, 
the judgment day and its consequences, and exhorted them 
to receive Christ as their Savior, and to pray to God. 
After the sermon was finished, he desired them to ask any 
questions which might have occurred. One immediately 
inquired whether Jesus Christ could understand prayers in 
the Indian language. Another asked how all the world 
became full of people, if they were all once drowned. A 
third question was, how there could be the image of God, 
since it was forbidden by the commandment. He preached 
to them a second time, November 11th, and some of them 
wept while he was addressing them. An old man asked, 
with tears in his eyes, whether it was not too late for him 
to repent and turn unto God. Among the other inquiries 
were these : how it came to pass that sea water was salt, 
and river water fresh ; how the English came to differ so 
much from the Indians in the knowledge of God and Jesus 
Christ, since they all had at first but one father ; and why, 
if the water is larger than the earth, it does not overflow 
the earth. He was violently opposed by the sachems, and 
powaws, or priests, who were apprehensive of losing their 
authority, if a new religion was introduced. When he 
was alone with them in the wilderness, they threatened 
him with every evil, if he did not desist from his labors ; 
but he was a man not to be shaken in his purpose by the 
fear of danger. He said to them, * I am about the work 




of the great God, and my God is Avith me ; so that I nei- 
ther fear you, nor all the sachems in the country ; I will 
go on, and do you touch me if you dare.' With a body 
capable of enduring fiitigue, and a mind firm as the moun- 
tain oaks, which surrounded his path, he went from place 
to place, relying for protection upon the great Head of the 
church, and declaring the salvation of the gospel to the 
children of darkness. His benevolent zeal prompted him 
to encounter with cheerfulness the most terrifying dangers, 
and to submit to the most incredible hardships. He s.iys 
in a letter, *I have not been dry, night or day, from the 
third day of the week unto the sixth ; but so travelled, 
and at night pull off my boots, wring my stockings, and 
on with them again, and so continue. But God steps in 
and helps. I have considered the word of God, 2 Tim. ii. 
3, endure hardness as a good soldier of Jesus Christ." 
He made a missionary tour every fortnight, planted a 
number of churches, and visited all the Indians in Massa- 
chusetts and Plymouth colonies, pursuing his way as far 
as Cape Cod. In IGoI, an Indian town was built on a 
pleasant spot on Charles River, and called Natick. A 
house of worship was erected, and a form of government 
was established similar to that wliich is mentioned in 
Exodus xviii. 21. 

" Mr. Eliot was convinced that in order to the most 
permanent success, it was necessary to introduce with 
Christianity the arts of civilized life. He accordingly 
made every exertion to persuade the Indians to renounce 
their savage customs and habits, but he never could civi- 
lize those who went out in hunting parties ; and those who 
lived near ponds and rivers, and were occupied in fishing, 
or cultivating the ground, though their condition was 
much improved, could never be made equally industrious 
with the English. The first Indian church established by 
the labors of Protestants in America, was formed at Natick, 
in 1660, after the manner of the congregational churches 
in New England. Those who wished to be organized 
into a christian body were strictly examined as to their 
faith and experience by a number of the neighboring 
ministers, and Mr. Eliot afterwards administered to them 
baptism and the Lord's supper. Other Indian churches 




were planted in various parts of Massachusetts, and he 
frequently visited them, but his pastoral care was more 
particularly over that which he first established. He made 
every exertion to promote the welfare of the Indian tribes; 
be stimulated many servants of Jesus to engage in the 
missionary work, and although he mourned over the stu- 
pidity of many, who preferred darkness to light, yet he 
lived to see twenty-four of the copper-colored aborigines, 
fellow-preachers of the precious gospel of Christ. In 
1661, he published the New Testament in the Indian lan- 
guage, and in a few years the whole Bible, and several 
other books, best adapted for the instruction of the na- 

The covenant agreed to by the members of the Indian 
church collected by Mr. Eliot at Natick, was in the fol- 
lowing words : " We are lost in Adam, we and our fathers 
have been a long time lost in our sins, but now the mercy 
of God begins to find us out again ; therefore, the grace 
of God helping us, we do give ourselves and our children 
to God : he shall rule us in all our affairs, not only in 
religion and the affairs of the church, but also in all our 
works and affairs in this world. God shall rule over us ; 
the Lord is our judge, our lawgiver ; the Lord is our 

kino- he will save us. The wisdom which God hath tauprht 

. . . 
us in his book, that shall guide us and direct us in the 

v.'ay. O Jehovah ! teach us wisdom, to find out thy wis- 
dom in tlie scriptures ; let the grace of Christ help us ; 
because Christ is the wisdom of God. Send thy Spirit 
into our hearts, and let it teach us: Lord, take us to be 
thy people, and let us take thee to be our God." 

The first convert among the Indians who died, was a 
woman. Soon after Mr. Eliot commenced holding meet- 
ings among them, she, with her husband, attended. She 
was ever after a diligent hearer. She m.anifested a strong 
desire to come and dwell where the word of God was 
taught. That she might have this privilege, she brought 
corn for her fam.ily on her back, sixteen miles. She was 
industrious, and taught her children to be so. Ever after 
she embraced the gospel, her life was exemplary. She 
was the first female who proposed a question to Mr. Eliot 
at a religious meeting. Her question was this : whether. 



[chap. XI 

when her husband prayed in his family, and her heart 
united in the desires he offered, this was praying to God 
aright or no. Mr. Eliot visited her several times in her 
last sickness, prayed and conversed with her. She told 
him she still loved God, though he made her sick. She 
said she was resolved to pray to him as long as she lived ; 
that she believed God would pardon her sins, because she 
believed that Jesus Christ died for her, and that God was 
well pleased with him. She said, moreover, that she was 
willinor to die, and that she believed she should go to 
heaven and live happily with God and Christ there. She 
called her children to her and said to them, " I shall now 
die, and when I am dead, your grandfather and grand- 
mother, and uncles, &c., will send for you to come and 
live among them, and promise you great matters, and tell 
you what pleasant living it is among them ; but do not 
believe them, and I charge you never hearken to them, 
nor live among them, for they pray not to God, nor keep 
the sabbath, but commit all manner of sins, and are not 
punished for it ; but I charge you to live here, for here 
they pray to God, the word of God is taught, sins are 
suppressed and punished by laws ; therefore I charge you 
live here all your days." She died soon after this. 

Another convert, named Wamporas, sickened and died. 
He was one of their principal men. When Mr. Eliot called 
to see him in his last sickness, he said to him, "Four years 
and a quarter since, I came to your house, and brought 
some of our children to dwell with the English; now T 
die, I strongly entreat you, that you would strongly entreat 
Elder Heath, (with whom his son lived,) and the rest who 
have our children, that they may be taught to know God, 
so that they may teach their countrymen, because such an 
example would do great good among them.'' He said that 
he did not fear death ; and turning to the Indians who 
were about him, he said, " I now shall die, but Jesus Christ 
calleth you that live to go to Natick, that there the Lord 
might rule over you ; that you might make a church, and 
have the ordinance of God among you, believe in his word, 
and do as he commandeth you." The Indians were affect- 
ed to tears. A little before he expired, he said to them, 

Some delight to hear idle and foolish words, but I desire 



to hear and speak only the words of God." He exhorted 
them to do so likewise. His last words were, " Oh Lord, 
give mc Jesus Christ When his speech had failed, he 
lifted his hands to heaven, and continued to do so until his 
last breath. The Indians flocked around him to hear his 
dying words, and were greatly affected with his death. 

The church in Natick continued an Indian church many 
years after the decease of Mr. Eliot. Not only the minis- 
ters of the neighboring church, but some from a distance, 
whose zeal and benevolence led them to visit the spot, 
which resembled the garden of the Lord, rather than the 
rest of the wilderness, afforded them much assistance. Mr. 
Daniel Gookin preached to them a number of years, about 
the end of the seventeenth century. They had also an In- 
dian pastor, named Daniel. Between the years 1700 and 
1745, several missionaries were appointed, who resided in 
the town with the praying Indians. During that year, 
many went into the wars, and were scattered : their number 
has lessened ever since, and now (1802) hardly a pure 
Indian can be found in this plantation." 

Rev. Thomas Mayhew, son of Mr. Thomas Mayhew, 
governor of Martha's Vineyard, distinguished himself by 
his benevolent and devoted labors among the Indians. " He 
accompanied his father to that island, where he became 
the minister of the English. He beheld with christian 
compassion the miserable Indians, who were ignorant of 
the true God ; he studied their language, he conciliated 
their affections, and he taught them the truths of the gos- 
pel. Mr. Mayhew commenced his public instructions to 
the Indians, in 1646, the same year in which Mr. Eliot 
began his missionary exertions. Many obstacles were 
thrown in his way ; but he persevered in his benevolent la- 
bors, visiting the natives in their different abodes, lodging 
in their smoky wigwams, and usually spending part of the 
night in relating to them portions of the scripture history. 
Before the close of the year 1650, a hundred Indians en- 
tered into a solemn covenant to obey the Most High God, 
imploring his mercy through the blood of Christ. In 1652, 
there were two hundred and eighty-two of the Indians 
who had embraced Christianity, and among these, were 
eight powaws, or priests. He sailed for England in No- 



vember, 1657, to communicate intelligence respecting 
these Indians to the Society for propagating the gospel, 
and to procure the means for more extensive usefulness ; 
but the vessel was lost at sea, and he perished in the thirty- 
seventh year of his age. 

"After his death, his father, as he was acquainted with 
the language of the Indians, and as he saw no prospect 
of procuring a stated minister for them, began himself, at 
the age of seventy, to preach to the natives, as well as to 
the English. Notwithstanding his advanced years, and 
his office of governor, he sometimes travelled on foot near 
twenty miles through the woods, in order to impart the 
knowledge of the gospel to those who sat in darkness 
He ])ersuaded the natives at Gayhead to receive the gospel', 
which they had before opposed. When an Indian church 
was formed, August 22, 1670, the members of it desired 
him, though above fourscore, to become their pastor ; but 
as he declined, they chose Hiacoomes. When Philip's 
war commenced in 1675, the Indians of Martha's Vine 
yard could count twenty times the number of the English, 
and the latter would probably have been extirpated, had 
not the christian religion been introduced; but now all 
was peace, Mr, Mayhew employed some of his converts as 
a guard. 

"Rev. John Mayhew, son of Rev. Thomas Mayhew, 
was called to the ministry in 1673, among the English at 
Tisbury, in the middle of the island. About the same 
time he began to preach to the Indians. He taught them 
alternately in all their assemblies, every week, and assisted 
them in the management of their ecclesiastical concerns. 
For a number of years he received but five pounds annu- 
ally for his services ; but he was content, being more de- 
sirous of saving souls from death, than of accumulating 
wealth. He sought not glory of men, and willingly re- 
mained unknown, though he possessed talents which might 
have attracted applause. He died in the thirty-seventh 
year of his age, and in the sixteenth of his ministry, leaving 
an Indian church of one hundred communicants, and 
several well-instructed Indian teachers in different congre- 

The first Indian convert on the island was Hiacoomes. 




llis place of residence being near the English, they went 
to his wigwam and conversed with hini. After this, he 
cnlled nt their houses, and attended their religious meet- 
ings, Mr. Mayhew invited him to his house every Lord's 
day, after divine service, and conversed with him freely. 
He soon becran to give evidence that he was under the 
teaching of the Holy Spirit. Meeting with railing and 
abuse from a sagamore, or chief, who struck him with 
his hand upon the face, he returned no abuse, but said 
afterwards, ' I had one hand for injuries, and the other for 
God ; while I did receive wrong with the one, the other 
laid the greater hold on God.' He was desirous to learn 
to read. The English gave him a primer, which he daily 
carried about with him. When scoffed at by the Indians, 
and reproached with forsaking their religion, and following 
the English, he made no reply, but afterwards told a friend 
of his, ' that he thought in his heart that the God in heaven 
did know and hear all the evil words that Pakeponesso 
spake.' The little knowledge of religious things he had 
gained, he endeavored to teach his neighbors. The In- 
dians, on one occasion, being greatly affected with the 
providences of God, the chief man of one of their settle- 
ments, several miles distant, sent a messenger to Hia- 
coomes, to come and teach them ' what he knew and did 
in the ways of the Lord.' Being pleased with the oppor- 
tunity, he went with the messenger. When he arrived at 
the place, he found many Indians assembled, among whom 
was a sagamore. They requested ' that he would show 
his heart to them, how it stood towards God, and what 
they must do.' He told them what he knew concerning 
God. He spake of the fall of man, and of the misery 
which had come upon the world in consequence of the 
apostasy. He told them that Christ had suffered and 
died to satisfy the wrath of God ; and that the Holy Spirit 
teaches men the things of God. He assured them that 
he feared none^bui this great God ; that he was sorry for 
his sins ; that he desired to be redeemed by Jesus Christ, 
and to walk in God's commandments. He mentioned over 
a number of sins with which they were chargeable, such 
as having many gods, going to Powaws, and the rest. 
Hiacoomes afterwards told Mr. Mayhew, that this was 



[' HAP. .\r. 

the first time lie ever saw the Indians sensible of their 
sins. The Holy Spirit was evidently present, to convince 
of sin. 

Mr. May hew, after some years' acquaintance with Hia- 
coomes, says respecting him, It pleased the Lord to give 
both light and courage to this poor Indian, for although 
formerly he had been a harmless man among them, yet, a.s 
themselves say, not at all accounted of, and therefore they 
often wondered that he who had nothing to say in their 
meetings formerly, is now become the teacher of them all. 
I must needs give this testimony of him — that he is a man 
of a sober spirit and good conversation, and as he hath, as 
I hope, received the Lord Jesus Christ in truth, so also I 
look upon him to be faithful, diligent, and constant in 
the work of the Lord, for the good of his own soul, and 
of his neighbors with him." 

In the course of a few weeks after Mr. Mayhew had 
formed a church among the Indians, one of them coming 
to him on business, told him that some of the Indians had 
lately kept a day of repentance, and that the text from 
which one of their number addressed them, was from the 
sixty-sixth Psalm, He rulcth by his poiccr forever^ his 
eyes behold the nations, let not the rebellions exalt them- 
selves.^^ Mr. Mayhew asked him what end they had in 
view in keeping such a day. The Indian told him that 
their reasons were these. 1. They desired that God would 
slay the rebellion of their hearts. 2. That they might 
love God and one another. 3. That they might withstand 
the evil words and temptations of wicked men, and not be 
drawn back from God. 4. That they might be obedient 
to the good words and commands of their rulers, 5. That 
they might have their sins done away by the redemption 
of Jesus Christ; and lastly, that they might walk in Christ's 

Several other ministers, beside Mr. Eliot and the May- 
hews, learnt the language of the Indians, and in their own 
tongue taught them the wonderful works of God. Among 
these were the Rev. Messrs. Bourne, Cotton, and Treat. 

Mr- Bourne was a missionary among the Indians at 
Marshpee. He prosecuted his labors with ardor, and his 
efforts were crowned with success. A church constituted 



of those converted by his instrumentality was collected, 
and he was ordained their pastor in 1G70. He manifested 
great regard for the temporal interests of the Indians. 
That they might have a territory where they could make a 
permanent settlement, he, at his own expense, obtained a 
deed of Marshpee. 

Mr. Cotton, for about three years, preached to the En- 
glish, and also to the Indians on Martha's Vineyard. He 
rendered great assistance to Gov. Mayhew in his benevo- 
lent efforts to impart the knowledge of salvation to the 
savages. He afterwards became pastor of the church at 
Plymouth, where he remained about thirty years. While 
there, he frequently preached to several congregations of 
Indians who lived in the neighborhood. He revised and 
corrected Eliot's Indian Bible, previous to its publication. 

Mr. Treat was the first minister of Eastham. " He 
devoted to the Indians in his neighborhood much of his 
time and attention. Through his zeal and labors, many 
of the savages were brought into a state of civilization and 
order, and not a few of them were converted to the christ- 
ian faith." 

" In 1685, when an account of the praying Indians m 
the colony of Plymouth was transmitted to England, it 
was found that they amounted to five hundred men and 
women within the limits of Mr. Treat's parish, beside boys 
and girls, who were supposed to be more than three times 
that number." 

Dr. Hawes, speaking of the happy results of the labors 
of those who early sought to guide the feet of the poor In- 
dians in the way of life, says, that in 1700 there were 
thirty Indian churches in New England, under the pastoral 
care of the same number of Indian preachers." 

How ample the encouragement here afforded to seek 
the good of the aborigines of our country ! Like causes 
will, doubtless, still effect like results. Let us then do 
what in us lies, to have the rays of the gospel shine in 
upon the dark minds of the sons of the forest. Let us 
give cheerfully of our substance for the support of missions 
among them. Let us offer our fervent supplications to 
Him whose hand alone can remove the vail that covers 
their hearts, and bring them forth from nature's darkness 



into his own marvellous light. And should Providence 
call us to it, let us devote our time and our talents, yea, 
our life even, to the promotion of their temporal and eter- 
nal welfare. 

Should the gospel be brought home to their hearts " with 
a convincing power and light," how happy would be the 
result ! What a change would be effected in their charac- 
ter and condition ! The tiger would become a lamb 
Revenge would be turned to meekness, savage cruelty to 
sympathy and kindness. No more should we hear of 
wars and rumors of wars among them. No more would 
they deal in treachery and lies. They would cease to in- 
dulge in sottish idleness, and would cultivate habits of 
industry. They would no longer destroy themselves and 
their offspring by living in intemperance and other destruc- 
tive vices. No more would they suffer, as they now often 
do, from hunger and want. No more would they spend 
the days and years of their fleeting life without God and 
without hope, and rush into eternity ignorant of the tre- 
mendous doom that awaits them. 



Among the institutions of religion, a preached gospel 
stands pre-eminent. The living luord, from the lips of 
the living minister, is a means of effecting vast results. 
It enlightens the conscience, controls the passions, checks 
the growth of evil habits, lays a restraint upon vice, pre- 
vents crime, promotes order, advances intellectual im 
provement and temporal prosperity, and, what is more, it 
is the grand means by which the saints are edified, com- 
forted, quickened and perfected, and by which the impeni- 
tent are convinced of sin, and converted to God. 

The gospel is indebted to no community in the land, 
admitting the expense at which it is supported to be what 



it may. Like the ark in the house of Obed-edoin, it more 
than compensates those who entertain it. 

But the effects resulting from the absence of the gospel 
from a community are most disastrous. The Bible is 
unread, the Sabbath is profaned, the religious instruction 
of the rising generation is neglected, family government 
is laid aside, the young become headstrong, and to a 
shocking degree without parental or natural affection : 
these things, with ignorance, intemperance, idleness, ini- 
quity and crime, make up the sad catalogue of evils. 

Of such importance does the Lord Jesus Christ deem 
the preaching of the word, that in every age he has raised 
up an order of men to attend upon this very thing ; men 
called of God., as was Aaron ; men who have been moved 
by the Holy Ghost to take this office upon themselves. 

In accordance with these sentiments were those of our 
forefathers. No truth is more evident from their history 
than that they regarded the stated ministration of the 
gospel as a matter of the utmost importance. This is 
seen in their early and self-denying efforts to secure and 
retain the gospel ministry. 

In several instances, a minister was one of the first set" 
tiers of a colony, and ivas elected their pastor, unless he 
had been such previous to their removal. 

A colony from England arrived at Naumkeag, now 
Salem, June 29th, 1629. In the company were four 
ministers, the Rev. Francis Higginson, and Messrs. Skel- 
ton. Bright, and Smith. Felt, in his Annals of Salem, 
says, "in order to secure the primary object of their 
emigration, our fathers took measures for the regular 
establishment of the church and ministry among them. 
July 20th was set apart by Mr. Endicott for choice of the 
pastor and teacher. Of the services on that interestino- 
day, Mr. Charles Gott writes to Gov. Bradford, of Plym- 
outh. He thus expresses himself : ' The 20th of July, it 
pleased God to move the heart of our governor to set it 
apart for a solemn day of humiliation for the choice of a 
pastor and teacher ; the former part of the day being spent 
in praise and teaching ; the latter part was spent about 
the election, which was after this manner: the person? 
thought of were demanded concerning their callings. They 



[chap. XII. 

acknowledged that there was a two-fold calling, the one 
an inward calling, when the Lord moved the heart of a 
man to take that calling upon him, and filled him with 
gifts for the same : the second was from the people ; when 
a company of believers were joined together in covenant, 
to walk together in all the ways of God, every member is 
to have a free voice in the choice of their officers. These 
two servants clearing all things by their answers, we saw 
no reason but that we might freely give our voices for 
their election after this trial. Their choice was after this 
manner : every fit person wrote in a note his name whom 
the Lord jnoved him to think was fit for a pastor, and so 
likewise whom they would have for a teacher ; so the 
most voices were for Mr. Skelton to be pastor, and Mr. 
Higginson to be teacher ; and they accepting the choice, 
Mr. Higginson, with three or four more of the gravest 
members of the church, laid their hands on Mr. Skelton, 
using prayers therewith. This being done, then there 
was imposition of hands on Mr. Higginson. Now, good 
sir, I hope that you, and the rest of God's people with 
you, will say that here was a right foundation laid, and 
that these two blessed servants of the Lord came in at 
the door, and not at the window.' " 

The West Barnstable church, which has been stated to 
be " the first independent Congregational church of that 
name in the world," was organized in 1616, in England. 
"The foundation of this church was laid in the following 
manner : after solemn fasting and prayer, each made open 
confession of his faith in Jesus Christ; and then, standing 
up together, they joined hands and solemnly covenanted 
with each other, in the presence of Almighty God, to 
walk together in all his ways, ordinances, &c. On account 
of the violence of the persecution with which this church 
was assailed, their pastor continued with them only eight 
years, and then fled to Virginia, in this country, where he 
soon after died. The church then chose as their second 
pnstor, R,ev. John Lathrop. In 1632, Mr. Lathrop and 
the little band to whom he ministered, w^hen assembled for 
worship in a private building, were surprised by their per- 
secutors, and only eighteen of their number escaped, while 
forty-two were apprehended and cast into prison. After 



being confined for two years, all were released upon baiJ, 
excepting Mr. Lathrop, for whom no favor could be ob- 
tained. At length, however, on condition of leaving the 
country, he obtained his freedom. In 1G34, with tliirty- 
four of his church and congregation, all that he could 
collect, he came to New England, and settled at Scituate. 
At that time the churches at Plymouth, Duxbury, and 
Marshfield were all that existed in the country. In 1639, 
with a majority of his people, and twenty-two male mem- 
bers of his church, he removed to Barnstable and com- 
menced its settlement. 

"A large rock is said to lie near the place around 
which this colony used to hold their public religious meet- 
ings. On that venerable and consecrated rock is believed 
to have been preached the first gospel sermon in this 
town; and here the ordinances were first administered." * 

The early history of the colony which settled Neio 
Haven is in point. 

" On the 26th of July, 1637, (says Barber,) Mr. Daven- 
port, Mr. Samuel Eaton, Theophilus Eaton, and Edward 
Hopkins, Esqrs. Mr. Thomas Gregson, and many others 
of good characters and fortunes, arrived at Boston. Mr. 
Davenport had been a celebrated minister in the city of 
London, and was a distinguished character for piety, 
learning, and good conduct. Many of his congregation, 
on account of the esteem they had for his person and 
ministry, followed him into New England. 

" On the 33th of March, 1638, Mr. Davenport, Mr. 
Pruden, Mr. Samuel Eaton, and Theophilus Eaton, Esq., 
with the people of their company, sailed from Boston for 
Quinnipiac, now New Haven. In about a fortnight tliey 
arrived at their destined port. On the ISth of April, they 
kept their first Sabbath in the place. Ths people assem- 
bled under a large spreading oak, and Mr. Davenport 
preached to them from Matthew vi. 1. He insisted on 
the temptations of the wilderness, made such observations, 
and gave such directions and exhortations as were perti- 
nent to the then present state of his hearers. He left this 
remark, that he enjoyed a good day." 

* Boston Recorder. 


Of the formation of a church, and the election of offi- 
cers, I3acon gives the following account : 

With what solemnities the formal constituting of the 
church, by seven men appointed for that purpose, was 
attended, is not upon those records which have come down 
to us. We know, however, what were the forms generally 
observed on similar occasions, at the same period ; and, 
presuming that the same form.s were observed here, we 
may easily imagine something of the transactions of that 
day. At an early hour, probably not far, from eight 
o'clock in the morning, the congregation assembled. Tra- 
dition says, that the assembly was under the same broad 
oak, under which they had kept their first Sabbath. After 
public exercises of preaching and prayer, * about the space 
of four or five hours,' those who are first to unite in the 
church covenant, the seven pillars of the house of ^visdom, 
stand forth before the congreiration, and the ciders and 
delegates from neighboring churches, — for, probably, such 
were present from the churches on the river. In the first 
place, that all present may be satisfied respecting the per- 
sonal piety of the men who are to begin tlie church, all the 
seven successively make a declaration of their religious 
experience, what has been the history of their minds, and 
what have been the influences and effects of God's grace 
upon them. Next, that they may make it clear that their 
confidence in Christ rests upon Christ as revealed in the 
Word, they, either severally or jointly, make profession 
of their faith, declaring those great and leading doctrines 
which they receive as the substance of the gospel. If, on 
any points, further explanations are desired, questions are 
proposed by the representatives of neighboring churches, 
till all be satisfied. Then they unitedly express their as- 
sent to a written form of covenant, in nearly the same 
words in which the covenant of this church is now ex- 
pressed ; after which, they receive from the representatives 
of the neighboring churches the right hand of fellowship, 
recognizing tliein as a church of Christ, invested with all 
the powers and privileges which Christ has given to his 

" The election and ordination of officers followed very 
soon after the organization of the church. Mr. Daven- 



port, who was, perhaps, even more than any other man, 
tlie leader of the enterprise, was chosen pastor. The 
office of teacher, and that of ruling elder, appear to have 
been left vacant for a season. Mr, Samuel Eaton, who is 
sometimes spoken of as having been a colleague with Mr. 
Davenport, appears not to have sustained that relation after 
the church was duly gathered. The first deacons were 
Robert Newman and Matthew Gilbert, who were both in 
the original foundation of the church. Mr. Davenport, 
like nearly all the ministers who emigrated to this country 
in that age, had been regularly ordained to the ministry in 
the church of England, by the laying on of the hands of 
the bishop. Yet that ordination was not considered as 
giving him office or power in this church, any more than 
a man's having been a magistrate in England would 
give him power to administer justice in this jurisdiction. 
Accordingly, he was ordained, or solemnly inducted into 
office — Mr. Hooker and Mr. Stone, elders of the church 
in Hartford, being present, as tradition says, to assist in 
the solemnity. 

We have another instance in the colony which settled 
at Nutfield, (afterwards Londonderry, N. H.) Rev. Mr. 
Parker, in his century sermon, gives the following particu- 
lars : — 

" The first settlers of this town were the descendants 
of a colony which emigrated from Argyleshire, in Scot- 
land, and settled in the north of Ireland, in the province 
of Ulster, about the middle of the seventeenth century. 
Influenced by. the representations of one Holmes, a young 
man, son of a clergyman, who had been in New England, 
his father, with three other Presbyterian ministers — James 
M'Gregore, William Corn well, and William Boyd — with a 
larore number of their con^resations, resolved on a remo- 
val. Having converted their substance into money, they 
immediately embarked, in five ships, for America. About 
one hundred families arrived at Boston, August 4, 1718. 
Twenty families more, in one of the vessels, landed at 
Casco Bay, now Portland. Among this latter number 
were the families who commenced this settlement. 

On disembarking in this new country, in which they 
were to seek a residence for themselves and their descend- 



ants, they assembled on the shore, and united in solemn 
acts of devotion, and with peculiar sensations sang the one 
hundred and thirty-seventh Psalm. 

This company of emigrants immediately petitioned 
the General Court of Massachusetts for a tract of land 
suitable for a township. The Court readily granted their 
request, and gave them leave to select a settlement, six 
miles square, in any of the unappropriated lands to the 
eastward. After exploring the country along the eastern 
shore, and finding no place that suited them, sixteen of the 
families, hearing of this tract of land, then called Nutfield, 
and finding that it was not appropriated, determined here 
to take up their grant. They accordingly, as soon as the 
spring opened, left Casco Bay, and arrived at Haverhill on 
the second day of April, 1719. Leaving here their fami 
lies, the men immediately came up, examined the spot on 
which they were about to commence their settlement, and 
)uilt a few huts. Three remaining to guard their tents, 
the rest returned to Haverhill to bring on their families. 

" This company had no sooner selected a spot for a 
township, than, in order to secure the full enjoyment of 
gospel ordinances, which was one principal object of their 
removal, and also to promote their settlement, they pre- 
sented a call to the Rev. James M'Gregore to become 
their pastor. He was then at Dracut, where he had passed 
the winter after his arrival. 

" On meeting them for the first time after they had left 
their native isle, in this then dreary and uncultivated spot, 
he made an affectionate and impressive address in view of 
their undertaking ; reminding them of their gracious pre- 
servation while crossing the deep, and exhorting them to 
renewed confidence in God, and devotedness to his service. 
The next day, April 12, he delivered, under a large oak, 
the first discourse ever preached in this town, from the 
prophecy of Isaiah, xxxii. 2, — A man shall be as a hiding 
■place from the wind, and a covert from the tempest ; as 
rivers of ivatcr in a dry place, as the shadow of a great 
rock in a iccary land." 

Settlements which began without a minister, soon obtained 
one, and made provision for his maintenance. A few in^ 
stances may serve as a specimen of many others. 



" The town of Woburn, Mass., was settled in 1642. It 
was granted to seven men, ' of good and honest report,' on 
condition tliat they, within two years, erected hodses there, 
and proceeded to build a town. As soon as they had a 
competent number to support a minister, they considered 
themselves as * surely seated, and not before, it being as 
unnatural for a ricrht New England man to live without an 
able ministry, as for a blacksmith to work his iron without 
a fire.' This people, therefore, like others, laid their 
foundation stone, with earnestly seeking the blessing of 
heaven in several days of fasting and prayer. They then 
took the advice of the most orthodox and able christians, 
especially the ministers of the gospel, not rashly running 
into a church state before they had a prospect of obtaining 
a pastor to feed them with the bread of life. They chose 
to continue as they were, in fellowship with other church- 
es, enjoying their christian watch, till they hud the ordi- 
nances administered among them. But they soon obtain- 
ed ' Mr. Thomas Carter, of Watertown, a reverend, godly 
man, apt to teach the sound and wholesome truths of 
Christ,' to preach for them. They then formed into a 
church on the 24th of the sixth month, after Mr. Symes, 
of Charlestown, ' had continued in preaching and prayer 
about the space of four or five hours.' 

" After public worship, the persons intending to be 
formed into a church, stood forth, one by one, before the 
congregation and ministers present, ' and confessed what 
the Lord had done for their souls, by his spirit, under the 
preaching of the gospel, and the events of his providence,' 
that all for themselves might know their faith in Christ; 
the ministers or messengers present, asking such questions 
as they thought proper, and, when satisfied, giving them 
the right hand of fellowship. Seven were thus formed 
into a church, who in ten years had increased to seventy- 

" On the 22d of the ninth month, Mr. Carter was, by a 
council, ordained their pastor, ' after he had exercised, in 
prayer and preaching, the greater part of the day.' " 

Thus, in the course of the first year after this settlement 
commenced, a minister was ordained among them, and as 
it was their purpose not to have a minister until they could 



"support" him, we may conclude that they gave him a 
conifortable maintenance. 

In J 054, twenty-one planters commenced a settlement 
at Northampton. *' March 18th, 1657, the people em- 
ployed an agent ' to obtain a minister.' They had been 
settled in this spot but three years, and were already soli- 
citous to obtain a regular ministration of the ordinances 
of the gospel." 

During tlie year 1658, Mr. Eleazer Mather was settled 
over them in the gospel ministry. They voted him" a sala- 
ry of eighty pounds for one year. Forty acres of land 
were given him at the same time, and forty acres more, to 
be for the use of the ministry forever. Thus, within four 
years from the first attempt to settle this town, the inhabi- 
tants settled a minister, gave him twenty-five pounds ster- 
ling for preaching with them half a year, and, at the com- 
mencemtMit of the ensuing year, voted him a salary of 
eighty pounds sterling. At the same time, they gave him 
forty acres of land, and a house which cost one hundred 
pounds sterling, and forty acres more for the use of the 

The first family moved into Penacook, now Concord, 
N. H., in 1727. " June 25, 1729, the planters appointed 
a committee to ' call and agree w^ith some suitable person 
to be the minister of Penacook.'' They also voted, ' that 
the minister of said town shall be paid by tlie community 
one hundred pounds per annum ;' and further, ' that one 
hundred pounds be allowed and paid out of the company's 
treasury to the first minister, as an encouragement for set- 
tling and taking the pastoral charge among them.' On 
the 14th October followiug, they voted, ' that every pro- 
prietor or intended settler shall forthwith pay, or cause to 
be paid, to the company's treasurer, the sum of twenty 
shillings, towards the support of an orthodox minister, 
to preach at Penacook.' Probably, in accordance with 
this vote, the Rev. Mr. Walker was employed ; for 31st 
March, 1730, the committee, above named, were directed 
to ' agree with the Rev. Timothy Walker, in order to 
his carrying on the work of the ministry in Penacook the 
ensuing year, and to treat with him in order to his settle- 



** In September, the Committee of the Great and Gene- 
ral Court, who still extended their supervision over the 
new plantation, ordered the proprietors to choose a minis- 
ter for the town, and, in case of his acceptance, to agree up- 
on a time for his ordination. Tliey promptly met the order. 
In the same decisive and unanimous spirit that had ciia- 
racterized all their measures, on the 14th October, 173'J, 
they voted, ' That we will have a minister/ and ' that the 
Rev. Timothy Walker shall be our minister.' His salary 
was fixed at one hundred pounds a year, to be increased 
forty shillings annually, till it amounted to one hundred 
and twenty pounds. The use of the parsonage was also 
granted, and one imndred pounds given to enable him to 
build a house, besides the lot which fell to the right of the 
first minister. It was provided, that ' if Mr. Walker, by 
reason of extreme old age, shall be disabled from carrying 
on the whole work of the ministry, he shall abate so much 
of his salary as shall be rational.' 

"To the unanimous call of the people, Mr. Walker re- 
turned an affirmative answer. On the I8th November, 
1730, the ordination took place. In the ' convenient house,' 
which they had erected for the public worship of God, 
were assembled about thirty settlers, with their families ; 
before them was the venerable council, and the man of 
their choice, ready to be invested with the sacred office. 
The remoteness of the scene from the old settlements; 
the sacrifices which the new settlers had made, the perils 
to which they would be exposed, the terrible apprehensions 
they felt of attacks from the Indians, together with the 
hope that the church, about to be planted in the wilder- 
ness, would one day spread wide its branches, and be a 
fruitful vine in the garden of the Lord, gave an unusual 
tenderness and solemnity to the occasion. The Rev. Joii.v 
Barnard, of Andover, North Parish, preached from Pro- 
verbs ix. 1, 2, 3. Wisdom hath bvilded her house; she 
hath hewn out her seven pillars ; she hath killed her beasts^ 
she hath mingled her unnc, she hath also furnished her ta- 
ble ; she hath sent forth her maidens. From this text he 
raised the doctrme, 'That the churches of Christ are of 
his forming, their provision of his making, and their min- 
isters of his appointing and sending to them. ' The ser- 



mon, throughout, breatlies a spirit of warm devotion ; is 
full of evangelical doctrine, and of appropriate practi- 
cal remarks. To the pastor elect, he says, ' We have 
great cause to bless the glorious Head of all spiritual and 
divine influences, that he has given you a spirit of self- 
daiiul, and in.-lined you to consecrate and devote yourself 
to his service in this rtmote part of the icilderness, and, 
with joy and pleasure we behold your settlement just ar- 
rived at its consummation. The great Jesus is now about 
to introduce you into an office which, as the honor of it 
will call for your humble and thankful adorations, so the 
difficulties thereof will require your constant and entire 
dependence upon Him, from whom you have your mis- 

"To those, who were ' a coming into a church state,' 
he says, in language of simple and touching eloquence, 
* You have proposed worldly conveniences and accommoda- 
tions in your engaging in the settlement of this remote 
plantation. This end is good and warrantable in its place ; 
but relicrion and the advancement of Christ's kinordom 
are of infinitely greater weight, and what we hope you will 
have a principal regard unto. What you ought in a special 
manner to aim at, is the enlargement of Christ's kingdom ; 
this will be your glory and your defence, and if this be 
your main design, will not the glorious Jesus say with re- 
spect to you, as he said unto his ancient people, who fol- 
lowed him into the wilderness, ' / remember thee, the kind- 
ness of thy youth, the love of thine espouscds, when thou 
wcntest after me in the wilderness, in a land that teas 
not sotcn. Israel was holiness to the Lord.' Jer. ii. 2. 

" ' There is this peculiar circumstance in your settle- 
ment, that it is in a place where Satan, some years ago, had 
his seat, and the Devil was wont to be invocated by for- 
saken salvages, a place which was the rendezvous and 
head-quarters of our Indian enemies. Our Lord Jesus 
Christ has driven out the heathen and made room for 
you, that he might have a seed to serve Him in this place, 
where he has been much dishonored in time past. Be 
then concerned to answer this just expectation; be solici- 
tous that you who are becoming his flock, may be his glo- 
ry, that you may be for a 7iame and praise unto Him.' 



Immediately after sermon, before the ordination was 
performed, the churcli was organized. Eight male mem- 
bers, including Mr. Walker, came forward, adopted and 
subscribed the Covenant, in which they did ' solemnly 
devote and dedicate themselves to the Lord Jehovah, vv^ho 
is Father, Son, and Holy Ghost,' and did ' promise, by di- 
vine gracej to endeavor to observe all things whatsoever 
God in his word has commanded.' 

''After the church was formed, the charge of ordination 
was given to Mr. Walker by the Rev. Samuel Phillips, 
of Andover, South Parish, commencing in this solemn 
manner : 

* In the Name and Fear of God, Amen. 

' Dear Sir — We have seen, and do approve of your call * 
to the evangelical ministry, and to the pastoral office in 
this church of Christ, as also your acceptance of the 

* And therefore now, as ministers and ambassadors of 
Christ, and in the name of Him our great Lord and 
Master, we do constitute and ordain you to be a Minister 
of the Gospel of the Lord Jesus, and the Pastor of the 
church or flock in this place, in particular.' 

" After the Charge, the Rev, John Brown, of Haver- 
hill, gave to the Pastor and the Church the Right Hand 
of Fellowship, according to the established mode in Con- 
gregational churches."* 

The early settlers of New England retained their minis-' 
ters many years. 

The settlement of a minister was with them a matter 
of very serious moment. They were not therefore hnsty 
in this affair, but, on tlie contrary, proceeded with great 
deliberation. After they had employed a man to preach 
among them, they waited until a sulhcient opportunity had 
been afforded him to " give them a taste of his gifts," be- 
fore they presented him a call. Nor did they take this 
important step until they had sought divine direction by 
observing a day of fasting and prayer, and had obtained 
the advice of neighboring ministers and others. When 
the candidate was ordained over them, it was their expec- 

* Rev. Mr. Bouton's Centennial Discourses. 



tation that he would remain their pastor during life; and 
in this they were seldom disappointed. 

From among the numerous instances left on record, 
showing the permanency of the settled ministry in those 
times, the following have been selected. 

Rev. Solomon Stoddard was ordained at Northampton, 
Mass., in 1G72. He remained pastor of the church nearly 
sixty years. He died, Feb, 11, 1729, in the eighty-sixth 
year of his age. 

" A council was convened at Westfield, on the last 
Wednesday of June, 1679, the church organized, and Mr. 
Taylor wns ordained pastor. Mr. T. was a man eminently 
devoted to the work of the ministry. He died, June 29, 
* 1729, in the fiftieth year of his ministry." 

"In 1694, an ecclesiastical society was constituted in 
East Hartford, Con., and early in 1703, the Rev. Samuel 
Woodbridge, their first settled clergyman, was ordained. 
The church and people here were united during the life 
and ministry of Mr. Woodbridge, who labored with them 
forty-three years. He died, June 9, 1746, aged sixty- 
three. The Rev Eliphalet Williams, D. D., his successor, 
was ordained, March 30, 1748. For more than fifty years 
he was a settled minister in this town. 

" The first minister of Longmeadow, Mass., was Rev. 
Stephen Williams, who was ordained here in 1716. He 
was a son of Rev. John Williams, of Deerfield, and was 
carried captive with his father to Canada. He died in 
1782, in the ninetieth year of his age, and sixty-sixth of 
his ministry. Mr. Williams was succeeded by Rev. Rich- 
ard Salter Storrs, who was settled in 1785. Mr. Storrs 
died, Oct. 3, 1819," in the thirty-fourth year of his min- 

" A church was organized in Medfield in 1651, consist- 
ing of eight members ; Rev. John Wilson, Jun. was in- 
stalled pastor the same year. Mr. Wilson was born in 
England, and graduated in the first class in Harvard Col- 
lege. He continued in the pastoral office more than forty 
years, and died in 1691. After a period of nearly six 
years, in which thirty-two candidates were employed, Jo- 
seph Baxter was settled, and sustained the pastoral office 
more than forty-eight years. Mr. Baxter commenced his 



ministerial labors at the age of eighteen, and in conse- 
quence of his youth, his settlement was delayed almost 
three years." 

" Rev. Nathan Buckman was settled at Medway in De- 
cember, 1724, and continued the pastoral relation to this 
church more than sevenfi/ years." 

" Rev. Habijah Weld, minister of Attleborough, waa 
distinguished for his usefulness in the ministry, and highly 
respected as a man, both at home and abroad. He united, 
to an uncommon degree, the affections of his people for 
a period of fifty-five years, during which he was their pas- 
tor. He was ordained in 1727, and died in 1782, in the 
eightieth year of his age." 

" It appears that the first church in Billerica was gath-* 
ered in 1663, and the Rev. Samuel Whiting was ordained 
in the same year. Mr. AVhiting died in 1713, having 
preached in this place more than fifty years." 

Rev. Samuel Moody was ordained at York, Me., in 
1700. He was a godly man and a successful minister. 
He died, Nov. 13, 1747, aged seventy-two, having been 
pastor of the church forty-seven years. 

Rev. Jeremiah Wise was settled at Berwick in 1707. 
He was a man of learning and eminent piety. He con- 
tinued their minister more than forty-eight years. 

In 1713, Kittery was divided into two parishes. In the 
new one, at Sturgeon Creek, a church was gathered, and, 
in 1715, Mr. John Rogers was ordained their pastor. He 
remained their minister fifty-two years. 

Mr. Samuel Dudley was settled at Exeter, N. H., in 
1650. He died in the seventy-seventh year of his age, 
and in the thirty-third of his ministry. 

The first minister settled in Concord, was the Rev. 
Timothy Walker. His ordination took place in 1730. 
He died in 1782, having been pastor of the church fifty- 
two years. 

Mr. David M'Gregore was ordained pastor of the church 
in Londonderry, West Parish, in 1737. He died in the 
fortieth year of his ministry. — Mr. William Davidson was 
settled over, the church in the East Parish of this town in 
1740. He died in 1791, aged eighty-one; having been 
their pastor more than half a century. 



In 1734, Mr. John Wilson was ordained at Chester. He 
died in the seventy-sixth year of his age, and in the forty- 
sixth of his ministry. 

The church in Amherst was embodied in 1741. In 
September of the same year, Mr. Daniel Wilkins was or- 
dained their pastor. He died in the seventy-third year of 
his age, and in the forty-second of his ministry. 

These instances may suffice to show that the early set- 
tlers of New England retained their ministers long. 

Owr ancestors ivcrc strict in the sitnetifieation of the 
Sabbath, and punctual in their attendance upon the ser- 
vices of the sanctuary. 

" They observed the Sabbath with great seriousness. 
They prepared for its approach by a seasonable^ adjustment 
of their temporal affairs ; they welcomed its arrival with 
joy, and spent all its hours in the public and private duties 
of religion. A sacred stillness reigned in their habita- 
tions, and throughout their villages and towns, well befit- 
ting the day of God, and well calculated to raise the affec- 
tions and thoughts to the eternal rest of heaven." 

If we except a few circumstances growing out of their 
peculiar situation, the following description of a Sabbath, 
as observed by the people of New Haven, may be regarded 
as a specimen of the manner in which the Lord's day was 
generally kept in New England previous to the revolution- 
ary war. "Let us go back for a moment," says the writer, 
Rev. Mr. Bacon, "to one of those ancient Sabbaths. You 
see in the morning no motion, save as the herds go forth 
to their pasture in the common grounds, each herd accom- 
panied by two or three armed herdsmen. At the appointed 
hour, the drum having been beaten both for the first time 
and the second, the whole population, from the dwellings 
of the town, and from the farms on the other side of the 
river, come together in the place of prayer. The sentinel 
is placed in the turret, those who are to keep ward go 
forth, pacing, two by two, the still green lanes. In the 
mean time, we take our places in the assembly. In 
this rude, unfinished structure is devotion true and pure, — 
worship more solemn for the lack of outward pomp. 
Through a long course of exercises, which would weary 
out the men of our degenerate days, these hearers sit or 



stand with most exemplary attention. They love the word 
that comes from the lips of their pastor. They love the 
order of this house. For the privilege of uniting in these 
forms of worship, of hearing the gospel thus preached, 
of living under this religious constitution, and of thus ex- 
tending in the world the kingdom which is righteousness, 
and peace, and joy, they undertook the work of planting 
this wilderness. To them each sermon, every prayer, every 
tranquil sabbath is more precious for all that it cost them. 
It is not strange, then, that their attention is awake through 
these long services, till, as the day declines, they retire to 
their dwellings, and close the sabbath with family worship 
and the catechising of their children." 

There was in those days an almost universal attendance 
upon the services of God's house on the sabbath. Few, 
very few, unless circumstances beyond their control re- 
quired that they should remain at home, absented them- 
selves. Four fifths of the people, it is believed, uniformly 
attended public worship. A family or an individual, who 
habitually absented themselves from the house of God, 
could rarely be found. Dr. Dwight, speaking of the in- 
habitants of Northampton, says, " Probably no people were 
ever more punctual in their attendance upon public wor- 
ship than they were for one hundred and fifty years from 
the first settlement of the place. Fourteen hundred and 
sixty persons were once counted in the church on a sab- 
bath afternoon ; amounting to five sixths of the inhabi- 

It is interesting to notice the pains-taking there was 
among the early settlers to enjoy the privileges of the sanc- 
tuary. " Rev. Mr. Burnham was ordained in Berlin, Con., 
about the year 1712. At this time there were but four- 
teen families in the place, and the church consisted of ten 
members, seven males and three females. Previous to the 
settlement of Mr. Burnham, these families attended meet- 
ing at Farmington, and the women walked from ten to 
twelve miles, and carried their infants in their arms. In 
1695, the settlers of East Windsor formed themselves into 
an ecclesiastical society, and Mr. Timothy Edwards was 
ordained their minister. Previous to this, the inhabitants 



for fifteen years passed the river in boats, in order to attend 
worship on the west side." 

Our furrfathcrs paid particular attention to family 

*' The duty of maintaining family religion," says Dr. 
Hawes, " was once universally acknowledged in New 
England, and seriously practised in nearly all the families 
in the land. Every duy, the scriptures were read, and 
God worshipped ; and not a child or a servant was suil'ered 
to grow up without being instructed in the principles of 
religion, and taught to reverence the day, the word, and 
the name of God. Our fathers adopted the maxim that 
' families are the nurseries of the church and the common- 
wealth ; ruin families, and you ruin all,' They aimed, 
therefore, to engage the presence and blessing of God to 
abide in their families. With their own hearts set upon 
heaven, they were earnestly desirous that their children 
might be prepared to follow them to the world of ^jlory 
For this ])ur"pose, they constantly maintained family reli 
gion and family government. They sought for their chil- 
dren, as they did for themselves, ^r:?^, the kingdom of God 
and his righteousness. The influence of this principle 
was prominent in the family, in the school, and in all their 
domestic and social arrangements. In the great work of 
training the young for the service and glory of God, parents 
and magistrates, pastors and churches co-operated with 
mutual zeal and fidelity." 

An interesting instance illustrating the manner in which 
family religion was maintained in the early days of New 
Erglaiid, is found in the Life of the excellent Theophilus 
Eaton, first governor of New Haven colony. 

*' As in his government of the commonwealth, so in the 
government of his family, he was prudent, serious, happy 
to a wonder ; and although he sometimes had a large 
family, consisting of no less than thirty persons, yet he 
managed them with such an even temper, that observers 
have afiirmcd that they never saw a house ordered with 
more wisdom. He kept an honorable and hospitable ta- 
ble; but one thing that made the entertainment thereof 
the better, was the continual presence of his aged mother, 



by feeding of whom with an exemplary piety till she died, 
he insured his own prosperity as long as he lived. His 
ciuldrcn and servants he mightily encouraged in the study 
of the scriptures, and countenanced their addresses to 
himself with any of their inquiries ; but when he saw any 
of them sinfully negligent about the concerns either of 
their general or particular callings, he would admonish 
them with such a penetrating efficacy, that they could 
scarce forbear falling down at his feet with tears. A word 
from him was enough to steer them 1 

" So exemplary was he as a christian, that one who had 
been a servant to him could say, many years after, ' What- 
ever difficulty in my daily walk I now meet with, still some- 
thing that I either saw or heard in my blessed master 
Eaton's conversation, helps me through it all ; I have rea- 
son to bless God that ever I knew him !' It was his cus- 
tom, when he first rose in the morning, to repair to his 
study : a study well perfumed with the meditations and 
supplications of a holy soul. After this, calling his family 
together, he vi'ould read a portion of scripture, and, after 
some devout and useful reflections upon it, he would make 
a prayer, not long, but extraordinarily pertinent and reve- 
rent ; and in the evening, some of the same exercises were 
again attended. On Saturday morning he would take 
notice of the approaching sabbath in his prayer, and ask 
grace to be remembering of it, and preparing for it ; and 
when the evening arrived, he, besides this, not only re- 
peated a sermon, but also instructed his family by putting 
questions referring to points in religion, which would 
oblige them to study for an answer ; and if their answer 
were at any time insufficient, he would wisely and gently 
enlighten their understandings; all which he concluded 
by singing a psalm. When the Lord's day came, he called 
his family together at the time for the ringing of the first 
bell, and repeated a sermon, whereunto he added a fervent 
prayer, especially tending to the sanctification of the day. 
At noon he sung a psalm ; and at night he retired an hour 
into his closet, advising those in his house to improve the 
same time for the good of their own souls. He then 
called his family together again, and in an obliging man- 
ner conferred with them about the thino-s with which thev 



[chap. XII. 

had been entertained in the house of God, closing with a 
prayer for the blessing of God upon them all. For solemn 
days of humiliation, or of thanksgiving, he took the same 
course, and endeavored to make the members of his family 
understand the meaning of the services. 

His eldest son he maintained at the college until he 
proceeded master of arts; and he was indeed the son of 
his vows, and a son of great hopes. But a severe catarrh 
diverted this young gentleman from the work of the minis- 
try, whereto his father had once devoted him : and a 
malignant fever then raging in those parts of the country, 
carried off him with his wife within two or three days of 
one another. This was counted one of the severest trials 
that ever befell his father in the days of the years of his 
pilgrimage ; but he bore it with a patience and composure 
of spirit truly admirable. His dying son looked earnestly 
on him, and said, 'Sir, what shall we do?' Whereto, with 
a well-ordered countenance, he replied, * Look up to God.' 
And when he passed by his daughter drowned in tears on 
this occasion, he said to her, ' Remember the sixth com- 
mandment — hurt not yourself with immoderate grief; re- 
member Job, who said. The Lord hath given, and the Lord 
hath taken away ; blessed be the name of the Lord. You 
may mark what note the Spirit of God put upon it; in all 
this, Job sinned not, nor charged God foolishly : God ac- 
counts it a charging of him toolishly, when w^e don't sub- 
mit to his will patiently.' Accordingly, he now governed 
himself as one who had nltiiincd unto the rule of weeping 
as if he wept not."* 

Another example of family religioji is given in the Life 
ot Rev. Jonathan Edwards, of Northampton. 

" As he rose very early himself, he was wont to have his 
family up betimes in the morning, after which, before en- 
tering on the business of the day, he attended on family 
prayers ; when a chapter in the Bible was read, commonly 
by candle-light, in the winter, upon which, he asked his 
children questions, according to their age and capacity, 
and took occasion to explain some passages in it, or en- 
force any duty recommended, as he thought proper. He 

* Mather's Magnalia. 



was careful and thorough in the government of his cliil- 
dren, and, as a consequence of this, they reverenced, es- 
teemed, and loved him. He took the utmost care to be- 
gin his government of them when they were very young. 
When they first discovered any degree of self-will and 
stubbornness, he would attend to them, until he had tho- 
roughly subdued them, and brought them to submit. Such 
prudent discipline, exercised with the greatest calmness, 
being repeated once or twice, was generally sufficient for 
that child, and effectually established his parental authority, 
and produced a cheerful obedience ever after. 

" He kept a watchful eye over his children, that he 
might admonish them of the Jirst wrong stej), and direct 
thein in the right way. He took opportunities to converse 
with them singly, and closely, about the concerns of their 
souls, and to give them warnings, exhortations, and direc- 
tions, as he saw them severally need. The salvation of 
his children was his chief and constant desire, and aim, 
and effort concerning them. In the evening, after tea, he 
customarily sat in the parlor, with his family, for an hour, 
unbending from the severity of study, entering freely into 
the feelings and concerns of his children, and relaxing 
into cheerful and animated conversation, accompanied fre- 
quently with sprightly remarks, sallies of wit and humor. 
But, before retiring to his study, he usually gave the con- 
versation, hy degrees, a more serious turn, addressing his 
children, with great tenderness and earnestness, on the 
subject of their salvation ; when the thought that they were 
still strangers to religion, would often aflfect him so power- 
fully as to oblige him to withdraw, in order to conceal his 
emotions. He took much pains to instruct his children 
in the principles and duties of religion, in wliich he made 
use of the * Assembly's Shorter Catechism,' not merely by 
taking care that they learned it by heart, but by leading 
them into an understanding of the doctrines therein taught, 
by asking them questions on each answer, and explaining 
it to them. His usual time to attend to this, was on the 
evening before the sabbath. And, as he believed that the 
sabbath, or holy time, began at sunset, on the evening pre- 
ceding the first day of the week, he ordered his family to 
finish all their secular business by that time, or before ; 



when all were called together, a psalm was sung, and pray- 
er offered, as an introduction to the sanctification of the 
sabbath. This care and exactness effectually prevent- 
ed that intruding on holy time, by attending to secular 
business, which is too common, even in families where 
the evening before the sabbath is professedly observed. 

** He was utterly opposed to every thing like unseasona- 
ble hours, on the part of young people, in their visiting 
and amusements, which he regarded as a dangerous step 
towards corrupting them, and bringing them to ruin. And 
he thought the excuse offered by many parents for tolera- 
ting this practice in their children, — that it is the cvstom, 
and that thr. children of other people arc allowed thus to 
practise, and therefore it is difficult, and even impossible, 
to restrain theirs, — was insuflicient and frivolous, and 
maiiifested a great degree of stupidity, on the supposition 
that the practice was hurtful, and pernicious to their souls. 
And, when his children grew up, he found no difficulty in 
restraining them from this improper and mischievous 
practice ; but they cheerfully complied with the will of 
their parents. He allowed none of his children to be ab- 
sent from home after nine o'clock at night, when they 
went abroad to see their friends and companions; neither 
wexe they allowed to sit up much after that time, in his 
own house, when any of their friends came to visit them. 
If any gentfeman desired to address either of his daugh- 
ters, after the requisite introduction and preliminaries, he 
was allowed all proper opportunities of becoming tho- 
roughly acquainted with the manners and disposition of 
the young lady, but must not intrude on the customary 
hours of rest a'ld sleep, nor on the religion and order of 
the family."* 

Actions, then, (the most unequivocal of all testimony,) 
afford ample proof of the attachment of our ancestors to 
the institutions of relio;ion. These fullv declare their affec- 
tionate regard for a preached gospel — for a stated mmistry 
— for the holy sabbath — for the })rivilcges of the sanctuary 
— for the religion of the family. Nor was their attacli- 
ment a fickle, half-expiring flame. Neither did it burn 

** Edwards' Works, (Dwiglit's odition,) vol. i. page 597. 



brightly, for a season, and then go out in darkness. It 
was lasting as life. It terminated only with their earthly 
existence, and, when they left the world, one of the last 
and strongest desires which lingered in their hearts was, 
that their posterity might inherit the privileges they had 
enjoyed. Shall we praise them in this? Who can forbear 
to rise up and call them blessed? Shall we imiiatc them? 
Ah, this is the most diffi«cuit of all ! And yet it is not easy 
to see how we can do otherwise, and be guiltless. To treat 
with neglect and indiiference what tiiey cherished with the 
warmest emotions, and, after struggling with many difficul- 
ties, handed down to those who should come after them, 
is to betray no unimportant trust. It is to make returns 
for blessings received, which no one, it would seem, in 
his sober moments, would be willing to have placed to his 

But should there be a general return unto the ways of 
our fathers, should every settlement, and every township, 
however new or however old, manifest an eager desire to 
procure an enlightened and pious minister — make provi- 
sion for his maintenance — seek to retain him long — che- 
rish a sacred regard for the holy sabbath — be punctual in 
their attendance upon the services of the sanctuary — and 
promote, by every means in their power, the highest wel- 
fare of the rising generation; should every community do 
this, what a check would be put upon the growth of vice \ 
What a remedy would be found for that fastidious, restless 
spirit which is abroad in the land ! How favorable would it 
be to high attainments in the christian life ! How changed 
would be the prospects of multitudes ready to perish ! 
How speedily would those disorders, which now disturb 
our American Zion, be removed! How would it pour oil 
upon the raging sea ! 





Tn the year 1614, Capl. John Smith, with two ships, vi- 
sited our shores, and traded with the Indians. After his 
return to London, he drew a plan of the country, and 
called it New England. This was the origin of the name. 

Thomas Hunt commanded one of the ships under Capt. 
Smith. When Smith sailed for England, he left Hunt to 
procure a cargo, and proceed to Spain. He most inhu- 
manly decoyed twenty Indians on board, at Patuxet, one 
of whom was named Squanto, and seven at Nauset, car- 
ried them to Malaga, and sold them at twenty pounds a 
man. Smith indignantly reprobated the base conduct of 
Hunt. Many of these helpless captives, it seems, were 
rescued from slavery by the benevolent interposition of 
some ot the monks in Malaga. 

One birth, and one death, occurred on board the May- 
flower, while on her passage. The child that was born, 
was named Oceanus. The name of the one who died, 
was William Button, a youth. 

Before leaving the Mayflower, our forefathers drew up 
and signed the following instrument. 

'In the name of God, Amen. We, whose names are 
underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign 
Lord King James, by the grace of God, of Great Britain, 
France, and Ireland, king, defender of the faith, &/C. 

" Having undertaken, for the glory of God, and ad- 
vancement of the christian faith, and the honor of our 
king and country, a voyage to plant the first colony in the 
northern parts of Virginia, do, by these presents, solemnly 
and mutually, in th^ presence of God, and one another, 
covenant and combine ourselves together into a civil body 
politic, for our better ordering and preservation, and fur- 
therance of the ends aforesaid, and, by virtue hereof, do 
enact, constitute and frame such just and equal laws, ordi- 
nances, acts, constitutions and oflicers, from time to time, as 
shall be thought most meet and convenient for the general 
good of the colony ; unto which, we promise all due submis- 



sion and obedience. In witness whereof, we have hereunto 
subscribed our names, at Cape Cod, the 11th of Novem- 
ber, in the year of the reign of our sovereign Lord King 
James, of Enghmd, France, and Ireland the eighteenth, 
and of Scotland the fifty-fourth, Anno Domini, 1G20. 

John Carver, 
William Bradford, 
Edward WinaloiVj 
William Brewster, 
Isaac Allerton, 
Miles Standishy 
John Alden, 
Samuel Fuller, 
Christopher Martiny 
William Mullins, 
William White, 
Richard Warren^ 
John Howland., 
Stephen Hopkins^ 
Edward Tilly, 
John Tilly, 
Francis Cook, 
Thomas Rogers, 
Thomas Tinker, 
John Ridgdale, 
Edward Fuller, 

John Turner, 
Francis Eaton, 
James Chilton, 
John Cracks ton, 
John Billington, 
Moses Fletcher, 
John Goodman, 
Degorij Priest, 
Thomas Williams^ 
Gilbert Winslow, 
Edward Margeson, 
Peter Brown, 
Richard Britterige, 
George Soule, 
Richard Clarke, 
Richard Gardiner, 
John Allerton, 
Thomas English, 
Edward Dorey, 
Edward I^eistcr." 

It has been stated by Chief Justice Shaw, that the Jirst 
tcritten constitution of government, that can be found in 
the history of civilized nations, was formed by the pilgrims 
in the cabin of the Mayflower, before they set their feet 
upon the shores of America." 

Some of the discoveries, made by the first company 
which left the Mayflower in search of a place of settlement, 
are noticed by Mourt in his journal. " We found," says 
he, " a little path lo certain heaps of sand, one whereof 
was covered with old mats, and had a wooden thing like a 
mortar, covered over the top of it, and an earthen pot laid 
in a little hole, at the end thereof. We, musing what it 



[chap. XIII. 

might be, digged and found a bow, and, as we thought, an 
arrow; but they were rotten. We supposed that there 
were many other things ; but because we deemed them 
graves, we put in tlie bow again, and made it up as it was, 
and left tlie rest untouched, because we thought it would 
be odious to them to ransack their sepulchres. We went 
on fvnrther, and found where a house had been. Also we 
found a great kettle, which had been some ship's kettle, 
and brought out of Europe. There was also a heap of 
sand, made like the former, but it was newly done; we 
might see how they paddled it with their hands, which we 
digged up, and in it we found a little old basket, full of 
fair Indian corn ; and, digging further, we found a fine 
great new basket, full of very fair corn, of this year, with 
some six and thirty goodly ears, some yellow, and some 
red, and others mixed with blue, which was a very goodly 
sight. The basket was round and narrow at the top. It 
held about three or four bushels, and was very handsomely 
and cunningly made. 

" As we wandered, we came to a tree, where a young 
sprit was bowed down over a bow, and some acorns 
strewed underneath. Stephen Hopkins said, it had been 
to catch some deer. So, as we were looking at it, William 
Bradford bein^ in the rear, when he came, lookinc? also 
upon it, and as he went about, it gave a sudden jerk up, 
and he was immediately caught by the leg. It was a very 
pretty device, made with a rope of their own making, and 
having a noose as artificially made as any roper in England 
can make, and as like ours as can be." 

In his account of their second expedition, he says, " We 
marched to the place where we had found the corn formerly, 
which place we called Corn-hill; and digged and found the 
rest, of which we were very glad. We also digged in a 
place a little further ofT, and found a bottle of oil. We went 
to another place, which we had seen before, and digged anil 
found more corn, and a bag of beans. Whilst some of us 
were digging up this, some others found another heap of 
corn, which they digged up also; so as we had in all about 
ten bushels, which will serve us sufficiently for seed. And 
sure it was God's good providence that we found this corn, 
for else we knew not how we should have done ; for we 



knew not how we should find or meet with any of the In- 
dians, except it be to do us mischief. 

When we had marched five or six miles in the woods, 
and could find no signs of any people, we returned ano- 
ther way, and, as we came into the plain ground, we found 
a place like a grave, but it was much bigger and longer 
than any we had yet seen. It was also covered with boards ; 
so as we mused what it should be, and resolved to dig it 
up : where we found first a mat, and, under that, a fair bow, 
and then another mat, and under that, a board about three 
quarters long, finely carved and painted, with three tines, 
or broches, on the top, like a crown. Also, between the 
mats, we found bowls, trays, dishes, and such like trin- 
kets. At length, we came to a fair new mat, and under 
that, two bundles, the one bigger, and the other less. We 
opened the greater, and found in it a great quantity of fine 
and perfect red powder, and in it the bones and skull of 
a man. The skull had fine yellow hair still on it, and 
some of the flesh unconsumed. There was bound up with 
it a knife, a packneedle, and two or three old iron things. 
It was bound up in a sailor's canvas cassock, and a pair of 
cloth breeches. The red powder was a kind of embalment, 
and yielded a strong, but no offensive smell. It was as 
fine as any flour. We opened the less bundle likewise, and 
found of the same powder in it, and the bones and head 
of a little child. About the legs and other parts of it, 
was bound strings and bracelets of fine white beads. There 
was also by it, a little bow, about three quarters, and some 
other odd knacks. We brought sundry of the prettiest 
things away with us, and covered the corpse up again. 
After this, we digged in sundry places, but found no more 
corn, nor any thing else but graves. 

Whilst we were thus ranging and searching, two of 
the sailors by chance espied two houses which had been 
lately dwelt in, but the people were gone. The houses 
were made with long young sapling trees, bended, and 
both ends stuck into the ground. They were made round, 
like unto an arbor, and covered down to the ground with 
thick and well-wrought mats, and the door was not over a 
yard high, made of a mat to open. The chimney was a 
wide open hole in the top, for which they had a mat to 



[chap. Xllt. 

cover it close when they pleased. One might stand and 
go upright in them. In tlie midst of them were four little 
trunches knocked into tho ground, and small sticks laid 
over, on which they hung their pots, and what they had to 
seethe. Round about the fire they lay on mats, which are 
their beds. The houses were double matted; for as they 
were matted without, so were they within, with newer and 
fairer mats. In the houses we found wooden bowls, trays, 
and dishes, earthen pots, hand-baskets, made of crab- 
shells wrought together ; also an English pail, or bucket. 
There were also baskets of sundry sorts, bigger, and some 
lesser, finer, and some coarser. Some were curiously 
Avrought with black and white in pretty works, and sun- 
dry other of their household stuff. There was a com- 
pany of deers' feet stuck up in the houses, harts' horns, 
and eagles' claws, and sundry such things there was." 

In his relation of their third expedition for discovery, he 
says, We lighted on a path, but saw no liouse, and fol- 
lowed a great way into the woods. At length we found 
where corn had been set, but not that year. Anon we 
found a great bury ing-pl ace, one part whereof was encom- 
passed with a large palisado, like a church-yard, with 
young spires four or five yards long, set as close one by 
another as they could, two or three feet in the ground. 
Within, it was full of graves, some bigger, and some less. 
Some were also paled about ; and others had like an In- 
dian house made over them, but not matted. Those 
graves were more sumptuous than those at Cornhill ; yet 
we digged none of them up, only viewed them, and went 
our way. Without the palisado were graves also3 but not 
so costly." 

Before tlie end of November, while the Mayflower lay 
in Cape Cod harbor, Susanna, wife of William White, was 
delivered of a son, who was named Peregrine. He w£S 
the Encriish child born in New England. He died at 
Marshfield, July 20, 1704, aged 83 years and some months. 
In consequence of his being the first child born in New 
England, the Court, in 1667, granted him 200 acres of 
land in the town of Bridgewater. 

John Rowland survived all the rest of the passengers 
who came over in the Mayflower and settled at Plymouth. 
He died in 1672. 



"The first marriage in the colony at Plymouth was so- 
lemnized on the \'2th of May, 1621, between Mr. Edward 
Winsiow and Mrs. Susanna White." 

'Die church at Plymouth were without a minister, and 
consequently without the sacraments, nine years from the 
time of their arrival. Their first minister was Mr. Ralph 
Smith. He was settled in 1629. 

The following is an account of the first settlement of 
Concord, Mass., which took place in the fall of 16-35. The 
account is copied from Johnson's " Woncler-ivorking Pro- 

Upon some inquiry of the Indians who lived to the 
north-west of the bay, one Captaine Simon Willard, being 
acquainted with them, by reason of his trade, became a 
chiefe instrument in erecting this towne. The land they 
purchase of the Indians, and with much difficulties tra- 
velinor throucrh unknowne woods, and tlirouo;h watery 
swamps, they discover the fitnesse of the place, sometimes 
passing through the Thickets, where their hands are forced 
to make way for their bodies' passage, and their feete 
clambering over the crossed Trees, which when they 
missed they sunke into an uncertaine bottome in water, and 
wade up to the knees, tumbling sometimes higher and 
sometimes lower, wearied with this toile they at end of 
this, meete with a scorching plaine, yet not so plaine, but 
that the ragged Bushes scratch their legs fouly even to 
wearinor their stockings to their bare skin in two or three 
houres ; if they be not otherwise well defended with Bootes 
or Buskings their flesh will be torne : that some being 
forced to passe on without further provision have had the 
blond trickle downe at every step, and in the time of Sum- 
mer the Sun casts such a reflecting heate from the sweet 
Feme, whose scent is very strong, so that some herewith 
have beene very nere fainting, although very able bodies 
to undergoe much travell, and this not to be indured for 
one day, but for many, and verily did not the Lord incou- 
rage their naturall parts with hopes of some new and 
strange discovery, expecting every houre to see some new 
and rare sight never scene before they were never able to 
hold out, and breake through ; 


" Yet farther to tell of the hard labours this people 
found in Planting this VVildernesse, after some dayes spent 
in search, toyliiifr in the day time as formerly is said ; like 
true Jacobites, they rest them one the rocks where the night 
takes them, tlieir short repast is some small pittance of 
Bread, if it hold out, but as for Drinke they have plenty, 
the Countrey being well watered in all places that yet are 
found out, their farther hardship is to travell sometimes 
they know not whether, bewildered indeed without sight 
of Sun, their compasse miscarrying in crowding through 
the Bushes, they sadly search up and down for a known 
way, the Indians' paths being not above one foot broad so 
that a man may travell many days and never find one. But 
to be sure the directing Providence of Christ hath beene 
better unto them than many paths, as might here be in- 
serted, did not hast call my Pen away to more weighty 
matters ; yet by the way a touch thus, it befell with a ser- 
vant maide who was travelling about three or four miles 
from one Town to another, loosing herself in the woods, 
had very diligen-t search made after her for the space of 
three dayes and could not possibly be found, then being 
given over as quite lost after three dayes and nights, the 
Lord was pleased to bring her feeble body to her own 
home in safety, to the great admiration of all who heard 
of it. This intricate worke no whit daunted these re- 
solved servants of Christ to goe on with the worke in 
hand, but lying in the open aire, while the watery clouds 
poure down all the night season, and sometimes the driving 
snow dissolving on their backs, they keep their wet clothes 
warme with a continued fire, till the renewed morning 
give fresh opportunity of further travell ; after they have 
thus found out a place of aboad, they burrow themselves 
in the Earth for their first shelter under some Ilill-side, 
casting the earth aloft upon Timber ; they make asmoaky 
fire against the earth at the highest side, and thus these 
poore servants of Christ provide shelter for themselves 
their Wives and little ones, keeping off the short showers 
from their Lodgings, but the long raines penetrate through, 
to their great disturbance in the night season ; yet in these 
poore Wigwams they sing Psalmes, pray and praise their 
God till they can provide them houses, which ordinarily 



was not wont to be with mnny of .them, till the Earth, by 
the Lord's blessing brought forth bread to feed them, their 
Wives and little ones which with sore labors they attaine 
every one that can lift a howe to strike it into the earth, 
standing stoutly to their labors and teare up the Rooles 
and Bushes, which the first yeare beares them a very thin 
crop till the soard of the earth be rotten, and therefore 
they have been forced to cut their bread very thin a long 
season. But the Lord is pleased to provide for them great 
store of fish in the spring time, and especially Alewives 
about the bignesse of a Herring, many thousands of these 
they used to put under their Indian Corne, which they 
plant in Hills five foote asunder, and assuredly when the 
Lord created this Corne hee had a special eye to supply 
these his people's wants with it, for ordinarily five or six 
graines doth produce six hundred. 

"As for flesh, they looked not for any in those times, 
(although now they have plenty,) unlease they could bar- 
ter with the Indians for Venison or Rackoons, whose flesh 
is not much inferiour unto Lambes, the toile of a new 
plantation being like the labours of Hercules, never at an 
end, yet are none so barbarously bent, (under the Matta- 
cusetts especially,) but with a new Plantation they ordi- 
narily gather into Church-fellowship, so that Pastors and 
people suffer the inconveniences together, which is a great 
meanes to season the sore labours they undergoc, and veri- 
ly the edge of their appetite was greater to spirituall du- 
ties at their first comming in time of wants than afterwards ; 
many in new plantations have been forced to go barefoot 
and bareleg, till these latter dayes, and some in time of 
frost and Snow ; yet were they then very healthy more than 
now they are : in this wildernesse-worke, men of Estates 
speed no better than others, and some much worse for 
want of being inured to such hard labour having laid out 
their estate upon Cattell at five and twenty pound a Cow, 
when they came to winter them with in-land Hay, and 
feed upon such wild fother as was never cut before, they 
could not hold out the winter, but ordinarily the first or 
second yeare after their coming up to a new plantation, 
many of their Cattell died, especially if they wanted Salt- 
marshes, and also those who supposed they should feed 



upon Swine's flesh, were cut short, the Wolves commonly 
feasting themselves before them, who never leiive neither 
flesh nor bones, if they be not scared away before they 
have made an end of their meale, as for those who laid out 
their estate upon Sheepe, they speed worst of any at the 
beginning (although some have sped the best of any now) 
for until the Land be often fed with Cattell, Sheepe cannot 
live : and therefore they never thrived until these latter 
dayes. Horse had then no better successe, which made 
many an honest gentleman travell a foot for a long time, 
and some have even perished with extreme heat in their 
travclls ; as also the want of English graine, AVheate, Bar 
ly and Rie, proved a sore affliction to some slomacks, who 
could not live upon Indian Bread and water, yet were they 
compelled to it till Cattell increase and the Plowes could 
but goe ; instead of Apples and Pearcs they had Pomkins 
and Squashes, their lonesome condition was very grievous 
to some which was much aggravated by continual feare of 
the Indians approach whose cruelties were much spoken of. 

"Thus this poore people populate this howling Desart, 
marching manfully on the Lord assisting through the great- 
est difficulties and sorest labours that ever any with such 
weak means have done." 

" The time of the settlement of the colonies," says 
Trumbull, " appears to have been very providential, and 
an important step towards the liberty and happiness of which 
they are now, as states, in possession. Had the settlement 
commenced directly after the discovery of America, or at 
any period before the reformation, the planters would have 
been Roman Catholics. The ignorance, superstition, big- 
otry, and slavish principles of the Romish church, w^ould 
have been transported into America; propagated, and pro- 
bably fixed in the colonies. Had it been deferred to a 
later period than that in which it was accomplished, the 
French, probably, would have made the settlement, and 
annexed the country to the crown of France. 

" At no other period could the country have been plant- 
ed with men of their noble spirit, and sentiments of liber- 
ty and religion ; nor with those who, with such care and 
pains, would have transmitted them to posterity." 



"The town of Woburn was settled in 1642. As a spe- 
cimen of the manner in which other towns were settled, 
we give a more particular account of this. The town was 
laid out four miles square, and granted to seven men "of 
good and honest report," on condition that they, within 
two years, erected houses there, and proceeded to build a 
town. These seven men had power to give and grant 
lands unto persons desirous of sitting down with them. 
Each one had meadow and upland granted him, according 
to his stock of cattle and capacity of cultivating the soil. 
The poorest man had six or seven acres of meadow, and 
twenty-five of upland ; an eye being had to future settlers, 
for whom lands were reserved. No man was refused on 
account of his poverty, but, after receiving his portion of 
land, had assistance in building a house. But such as 
were of a turbulent spirit, were not allowed to * enjoy a 
freehold, till they should mend their manners.' The seven 
men, to whom the town was granted, laid out the roads as 
might best acco.mmodate the lands as to civil and reli- 
gious privileges. Accordingly, those who received land 
nearest the meeting-house, had a less quantity at home, 
and more at a distance. In this manner, about sixty 
families first settled in Woburn." 

The sentiment entertained by many, at the present day, 
that the English obtained the lands of the Indians by 
wrong, or without an equivalent, is evidently to be received 
with great limitation. 

" In most cases," says Hoyt, " the first settled towns 
were purchased of the sachems residing at the places se- 
lected by the English. In many old towns, deeds given 
by them are now extant, containing considerations for the 
lands sold, though generally of little value. To prevent 
injustice, the purchasers were restricted by government. 
In Massachusetts, none were allowed to take deeds of the 
Indians, excepting under certain conditions ; and Plymouth 
colony put similar checks upon their people. Gov. Winslow, 
in a letter dated Marshfield, May 1, 1676, makes the fol- 
lowing statement. ' I think I can clearly say, that before 
the present troubles broke out, the English did not possess 
one foot of land in this colony but what was fairly obtained 



by honest purchase of the Indian proprietors; nay, be- 
cause some of our people are of a covetous disposition, and 
the Indians are in straits, easily prevailed with to part with 
their lands, we first made a law that none should purchase, 
or receive of gift any lands of the Indians, without the 
knowledge and allowance of the court, and a penalty of a 
fine of five pounds per acre, for all that should be so 
bought or obtained. And lest yet they should be straiten- 
ed, we ordered that Mount Hope, Pocasset, and several 
other necks of land in the colony, because most suitable 
and convenient for them, should never be bought out o^ 
their hands. And our neighbors ut Rehoboth and Swan 
zey, although they bought their lands fairly of this 
Philip and his father, and brother, yet because of their vi- 
cinity, that they might not trespass upon the Indians, did, 
at their own cost, set up a very substantia] fence quite 
across that great neck, between the English and the In- 
dians, and paid due damage, if at any time any unruly 
horse, or other beast, broke in and trespassed. And 
for divers years last past, (that all occasion of offence in 
that respect might be prevented,) the English agreed with 
Philip and his, for a certain sum yearly, to maintain the 
said fence, and thereby secure themselves. And if at any 
time they brought complaints before us, they had justice, 
impartial and speedily, so that our own people frequently 
complained that we erred on the other hand in showing 
them our favor." 

*' There is no hazard in asserting," says Bacon, " that 
the general course of the policy adopted by our fathers 
in respect to the Indians, was characterized by justice aiid 
kindness. The right of the Indians to the soil was ad- 
mitted nnd respected. Patents and charters from the king 
were never considered good against the rights of the na- 
tives. Let any man demonstrate, if he can, that in Con- 
necticut a single rood of land was ever acquired of the 
Indians, otherwise than by fair purchase, except what was 
conquered from the Pequots, in a war as righteous as ever 
was waged." 

" The most ancient record in existence at New Haven, 
is, as it ought to be, the record of two treaties with the 
aboriginal proprietors, — by which the soil was purchased. 



and the reiations thencefor\vard to subsist between the In- 
dians and the Eiifjlish, were distinctly delined." 

" It is observable/' says Winthrop, in March, 1642, 
" how the Lord doth honor his people, and justify their 
ways even before the heathen, when their proceedings are 
true and just, as appears by tliis instance. Those at New 
Haven, intending a plantation at Delaware, sent some men 
to purchase a large portion of land of the Indians there ; 
but they refused to deal with them. It so fell out, that a 
Pequot sachem (being fled his country in our war with 
them, and having seated himself with his company upon 
that river ever since) was accidentally there at that time 
He, taking notice of the English, and their desire, persua- 
ded the other sachem to deal with them, and told him, tiiat 
howsoever they had killed his countrymen, and driven them 
out, yet they v/ere honest men, and had just cause to do as 
they did, for the Pequots had done them wrong, and re- 
fused to give such reasonable satisfaction as was demand- 
ed of them. Whereupon the sachem entertained thern, 
and let them have what land they desired." 

Knowles, in his "Memoir of Roger Williams," remarks, 
'It is pleashig to observe in the history of the New Eng- 
land colonists, that the duties of both parties (Indians and 
English) were, to so great an extent, fulfilled. The In- 
dians, in most cases, received the white men with generou.s 
hospitality; they sold them land on easy terms, many tribes 
remained their firm friends, and some of the natives be- 
came converts to the christian faith. The colonists, on the 
other hand, purchased their lands from the Indians, for 
such a compensation as satisfied the natives, and was a fair 
equivalent at that time. The patents which they brought 
with them, were, in theory, unjust; for they implied, in 
terms, the absolute control of the English monarch over 
the ceded territory, and contained no recognition of the 
rights of the natives. But the christian integrity of the 
pilgrims corrected, in practice, the error or defect of the 
patents. An able writer says, ' It is beyond all question, 
that the early settlers at Plymouth, at Saybrook, and, as a 
general rule, all along the Atlantic coast, purchased the 
lands upon which they settled, and proceeded in their set- 
tlements with the consent of the natives. Nineteen twen- 



tieths of the land in the Atlantic states, and nearly all the 
land settled by the whites in the western states, came into 
our possession as the result of amicable treaties.' ' The 
settlers usually gave as much for land as it was then 
worth, according to any fair and judicious estimate. An 
Indian would sell a square mile of land for a blanket 
and a jack-knife, and this would appear to many to be a 
fraudulent bargain. It would, however, by no means, 
deserve such an appellation. The knife, alone, would add 
more to the comfort of an Indian, and more to his wealth, 
than forty square miles of land, in the actual circumstan- 
ces of the case.' We may add, that, at this day, a square 
mile of land might be bought in some parts of the United 
States for less than the first settlers paid the Indians for 
their lands. Indeed, as the writer just quoted says, ' There 
are millions of acres of land in the Carolinas, which would 
not at this moment be accepted as a gift, and yet mucli of 
this land will produce, with very little labor, one hundred 
and fifty bushels of sweet potatoes to the acre.' Vattell 
says, ' We cannot help praising the moderation of tlie En- 
glish puritans, who first settled in New England, who, not- 
witiistanding their being furnished with a charter from 
their sovereign, purchased of the Indians the lands they 
resolved to cultivate.' ^' 

" On the I4th of November, 163S, at Quinnipiac, (New 
Haven, Conn.) Theophilus Eaton, Esq., Mr. Davenport, 
and other English planters, entered into an agreement 
with Momauguin, sachem of that part of the country, and 
his counsellors, respecting the lands. The articles of 
agreement are to this effect : 

" That Momauguin is the sole sachem of duinnipiac, 
and has absolute power to aliene and dispose of the same : 
that in consequence of the protection he had tasted, by the 
English, from the Pequots and Mohawks, he yielded up all 
his right, title and interest to all the land, rivers, ponds 
and trees, with all the liberties and purtenances belonging 
to the same, unto Theophilus Eaton, John Davenport and 
others, their heirs and assigns f'^revcr. He covenanted 
that neither he nor his Indians vv'vjuld terrify or disturb the 
English, or injure them in any of their interests; but that, 
in every respect, they would keep true faith with them. 



*' The English covenanted to protect Moniauguin and 
his Indians wlien ijnreasonably assaulted and terrified by 
any of the other Indians; and thatthey should always have 
a sufficient quantity of land to plant upon, on the east side 
of the harbor, between that and Saybrook fort. They also 
covenanted that by way of free and thankful reti-ibution, 
they give unto the said sachem and his company twelve 
coats of English cloth, twelve alchymy spoons, twelve 
hatchets, twelve hoes, two dozen of knives, twelve porrin- 
gers, and four cases of French knives and scissors. 

" This agreement was signed and legally executed by 
Momauguin and his council on the one part, and Theo- 
philus Eaton and John Davenport on the other." 

In December following they made another purchase of a 
larore tract, ten miles in length and thirteen in breadth. This 
was bought of Montovvese. For it they gave thirteen 
coats, and allowed the Indians ground to plant, and liberty 
to hunt within the lands. 

The settlement of Milford, Con. was commenced in 1639. 
" The first purchase of land was made of the Indians on 
the r2th of February, which comprehended about two miles 
of what is now the centre of the town. The consideration 
was '6 coats, 10 blankets, 1 kettle, besides a number of 
hoes, knives, hatchets, and glasses.' The deed was signed 
by Ansantawae, the sagamore, by Arracowset, Anshuta, 
Manamatque, and others. Afterwards, at different times, 
other purchases were made. The tract lying west of the 
settlement on the Housatonic River was bought on the 20th 
of December, 1C59, for the sum of .£26, to be paid in 
goods. The Indian Neck was purchased on the 2d of Ja- 
nuary, 1659-60, for the consideration of £25. A reserva- 
tion of 20 acres, in this tract, for planting ground, was 
sold by the Indians on the 12th of December, 1661, for six 
coats, two blankets, and two pair of breeches. A tract, 
commonly called the two-bit purchase, a m.ile and six score 
rods in breadth, was bought in 1700, for the consideration 
of ;£15 in pay, and 155. in silver. And the tract called 
the one-bit purchase, a mile and six score rods in breadth, 
was purchased in 1702, for ^5 in money, or otherwise £7 
10s. in pay." 

"The township of Northampton, Mass., was purchased 



and conveyed to Jolin Pyncheon, Esq. for the planters, by 
Wawiiillowa, Nenessahalant, Nassicohee, and four others^ 
(one of whom was a nmarried woman) styled ' the chief and 
proper owners,' for one hundred fathom of wampum by 
tale, and ten coats, (besides some small gifts) in hand paid 
to the sachems and owners, and for also ploughing up six- 
teen acres of land on the east side of Connecticut River, 
the ensuing summer, viz. 1G54. Of course, the purchase, 
thoucrh not dated, was made in 165*J. These * all barornin- 
ed for themselves, and the other owners, by their consent.' 
All the aborigines of this country, men and women alike, 
are owners of the soil upon which they hunt, or dwell. In 
this grant, the Indian rights were completely secured ; and 
the planters were obliged to purchase, and pay them to their 
satisfaction, before they could become proprietors. The 
original planters were twenty-one in number. The tract 
conveyed extended from South Hadley Falls to Hatfield, 
then a part of Hadley, about ten miles ; and from the river 
westward, nine miles. The Indian name was Nonotuck. 

" Capawonke, since called Little Pontius, a rich interva 
now within Hatfield, containing eight or nine hundred acres, 
was sold to these planters, July 20tb, 1(557, by Lampancho, 
for fifty shillings, at two payments, ' to his entire satisfac- 

" In these two purchases you have a fair picture of In- 
dian purchases in general. In the former, about ninety 
square miles were sold for one hundred fathom of wampum, 
and ten coats, together with a few tritles of no great value. 
Within this tract were near five thousand acres of rich in- 
terval ; worth from three to four hundred thousand dollars 
at the present time. The whole tract furnished, in the year 
1800, plentiful subsistence for four thousand, five hundred 
and fifteen inhabitants ; most of them in easy circumstan- 
ces, and several of them afiluent. In the latter case, eight 
or nine hundred acres of rich interval, worth, at the pre- 
sent time, from fifty to seventy thousand dollars, were pur- 
chased for fifty shillings sterling ; and, of course, for less 
than a penny an acre. Still, the price was fair and ample ; 
more valuable to the Indian than any thing which he could 
get by keeping the land, or selling it to any other pur- 

CHAP. Xiri.1 HiSfORV OF NfcW ENGLAND. ?295 

Cochichewick, now Andover, was purchased of Cut- 
shainache, the sagamore of Massachusetts, for six pounds 
sterling, and a coat. 

The following is a specimen of an Indian deed. It was 
given to the original proprietors of Haverhill, Mass. in i\w 
year 1042. 

Know all men by these presents, that wee, Passaqiio 
and Sagga Hew with the consent of Passaconnaway ; have 
sold unto the inhabitants of Pentuckett all the lands wee 
have in Pentuckett ; that is, eyght myles in length from the 
little Rivver in Pentuckett Westward ; six inyles in length 
from the aforesaid Rivver northward ; and six myles in 
length from the foresaid Rivver Eastward, with the Ileand 
and the Rivver that the Ileand stand in, as far in length as 
the land lyes by as formerly expressed : that is, fourteene 
myles in length : and wee, the said Passaquo and Sagga 
Hew with the consent of Passaconnaway have sold unto 
the said inhabitants all the right that wee or any of us have 
in the said ground and Ileand, and Rivver. And wee war-^ 
rant it, against all or any other Indeans whatsoever, unto 
the said Inhabitants of Pentuckett, and to their heirs and 
assignes forever Dated the fifteenth day of november Ann 
Dom IG42. 

*' Wiines our hands and seales to this bargayne of sale 
the day and year above written (in the presents of us.) wee 
the said Passaquo and Sagga Hew have received in hand, 
for & in consideration of the same three pounds & ten 

The following incident, related by Dr. Dwight, illus» 
trates the value which the English themselves placed upon 
the lands they purchased of the Indians. 

" One of the first planters of Springfield, Mass., v/as a 
tailor, and another a carpenter. The tailor had, for a small 
consideration, purchased of an Indian chief a tract of land 
in what is now West Springfield, forming a square of three 
miles on a side. The carpenter had constructed a clumsy 
wheel-barrow, for which the tailor offered to make him a 
suit of clothes, or convey to him the land. After some 
deliberation, he exchanged the wheel-barrow for the land. 
This tract contained the best settled part of West Spring- 
field, many an acre of which might now be sold, for the 



purposes of cultivation only, at the price of one hundred 
dollars. When a fourth part of a township," adds Dr. 
Dwiiiht, "was sold by one Englishman to another for a 
wiicel-barrow, it will be easily believed that it was of still 
less value to the aborigines. To an Englishman it was 
valuable as the future subject of cultivation, to an Indian 
as the haunt of game. The small prices paid by the first 
colonists for the lands in this country, are no evidence that 
t!ie bargains were fraudulent or inequitable. To the In- 
dian, without an English purchaser, the land was often 
worth nothing ; and to the colonist its value was created 
by his labor. The censures, passed upon the colonists for 
their manner of purchasing, are therefore groundless. The 
price which they actually gave, small as it seems, was or- 
dinarily, and, as far as I know, always a fair one, and per- 
fectly satisfactory to the original proprietors." 

In 1640, in consequence of a change of affairs in the 
mother country, emigration to New England ceased. It 
was estimated at the time, that about four thousand fami- 
lies, consisting of twenty-one thousand souls, had arrived 
in two hundred and ninety-eight ships, and settled in this 
new world. The expense of the removal of these four 
thousand families was estimated at one hundred and 
ninety-two thousand pounds sterling, which, including 
what they paid to the council of Plymouth, and afterwards 
to the sachems of the country, was a dear purchase of 
their lands 

The first governor of Massachusetts was John Winthrop 
The following interesting particulars are related of him. 

"Governor Winthrop was born at Groton, England, 
June 12th, 1587, and wns bred to the law, though he had 
a strong inclination for divinity. So conspicuous were his 
merits, that he was made a justice^ of the pieace at the age 
of eighteen. He was distinguished for his hospitality, his 
piety, and his integrity. Being chosen governor, before 
the colony embarked for America, he isold an estate of six 
or seven hundred pounds sterling p^;?* annum; and in the 
forty-third year of his age, he arrived at Salem, June 12th, 
1G30, and, within five days, travelled through the trackless 
woods to Charlestown. The same fall he passed over the 



river to Boston, which became his permanent residence. 
He was an example to his people, not ouly of temperance 
and piety, but of frugality, denying himself those indulgen- 
ces and elegances to which his fortune and office entitled 
him, that he might be an example to others, and have more 
liberal means of relieving the needy. 

" On one occasion, Chickatabot, the sagamore of Napon- 
sett, came to the governor, and desired to buy some English 
cloths for himself The governor told him that English 
sagamores did not use to barter, but he called his tailor and 
gave him orders to make him a suit of clothes ; whereupon 
he gave the governor two large skins of coat beaver, and 
after he and his men had dined, they departed, the saga- 
more saying, that he would come again after three days for 
his suit. Accordingly, he came, and the governor put 
him into a very good new suit, from head to foot. After 
this, he sat meat before him; but he would not eat till the 
governor had given thanks. After meat, he desired him to 
do the same, and then departed. 

" October 4th, 1631, the governor being at his farm 
house, at Mistick, walked out after supper, and took a gun 
in his hand, supposing he might see a wolf, (for they came 
daily about the house and killed swine and calves.) When 
he was at the distance of half a mile, it grew suddenly 
dark, so that in going home, he mistook his path, and went 
till he came to a little house of Sagamore John, which 
stood empty; there he stayed, and having apiece of match 
in his pocket, (for he always carried about his match and 
compass) he made a good fire and warmed the house, 
and lay down upon some old mats which he found there. 
Thus he spent the night, sometimes walking by the fire, 
sometimes singing psalms, and sometimes getting wood, 
but could not sleep. It was a wearisome night, and a little 
before day it began to rain. In the morning he reached 
home in safety. His servant had been very anxious for 
him, and had walked about in the night, discharging guns, 
and hallooing, but the governor did not hear him. 

" In January, 16:32, the governor and some company 
with him went up by Charles River, about eight miles above 
Watertown ; and named the first brook on the north side 
of the river, Beaver Brook, because the beavers had shorn 



down great trees there, and made dams across the brook. 
Tiicnce they went to a great rock upon which stood a high 
Etone cleft asunder, so that four men might pass through it, 
Vv iiicii tiiey called Adam's Chair, because the youngest of 
their company was Adam Winthrop. Thence they came to 
another brook, larger than the first, which they called Mas- 
ters' Brook, because the eldest of tlieir company was one 
John Masters. Thence they came to a high pointed rock, 
which they called Mount Feake, from one Robert Feake, 
who had married the governor's daughter-in-law. 

" In February, the governor and some others v.ent over 
Mistick River in Meadford, and going about two or three 
miles among the rocks, they came to a very large pond, 
having in the middle an island of about one acre, covered 
Vvitli trees of pine and birch; there were also many small 
rocks standing up liere and there in it, from which they 
named it Spot Pond. About half a mile from this, they 
came to the top of a very high rock, from whence there is 
a fair prospect. This place they called Cheese Rock, be- 
cause when they went to eat something, they had only 
cheese — the governor's man forgetting to put up some 

" In October of the same year, the governor, in company 
with Rev. Mr. Wilson and some others, made a visit to 
Piymouth. They took passage by water to Massagascus, 
and from thence went on foot to Plymouth, where they 
arrived in the evening. The governor of Plymouth, Mr. 
William Bradford, with Mr, Brewster, the elder, and some 
others, went forth and met them without the town, and 
conducted them to the governor's house, where they were 
kindly entertained, and feasted every day at several houses. 
On the Lord's day was a sacrament, in which they partook ; 
and in the afternoon Mr. Roger Williams propounded a 
question, according to their custom : to which the pastor, 
Mr. Smith, spoke brietly, then Mr. Williams, and after him 
the governor of Plymouth spoke to the question; after him 
the elder, and some two or three more of the congregation. 
Then the €lder desired Governor Winthrop and Mr. Wil- 
son to speak to it, which they did. When this was end- 
ed, the deacon, Mr. Fuller, put the congregation in mind 
of their duty of contribution ; upon which the governor 


and all the rest went down to the deacon's seat and put 

into the bag, and then returned. 

"On Wednesday, about live in the morning, the gover- 
nor and his company came out of Plymouth ; the governor 

of Plymouth with the pastor, elder, and others, accompany- 
ing them nearly half a mile out of town in the dark. Lieu- 
tenant Holmes, with two others, and the governor's man, 
came along with them to the great swamp, about ten miles. 
When they came to the great river, they were carried over 
by one Luddham, their guide, as they had been when they 
came, the stream being very strong and up to the hips ; so 
the governor called that passage Luddham's ford. Then 
they came to a place called Hue's Cross: the governor 
being displeased with the name, as such things might give 
occasion to the papists to say that their religion was first 
planted in these parts, changed the name, and called it 
Hue's Folly. They came that evening to Massagascus, 
where they were bountifully entertained as before, with 
store of turkeys, geese, ducks, Slc, and the next day came 
safe to Boston." 

" It was the custom of Gov. Winthrop to send some of 
his family upon errands to the houses of the poor, about 
their meal-time, on purpose to spy whether they wanted ; 
and if it was found that they were needy, he would make 
that the opportunity of sending supplies to them. 

In a hard and long winter, when wood was very scarce 
in Boston, a man gave him private information that a 
needy person in the neighborhood sometimes stole wood 
from his pile ; upon which the governor, in a seeming an- 
ger, replied. Docs he so ? /'// take a course ivitli Mm ; go, 
call that man to me ; ril icarrant i/ou, I'll ewe him of 
stealing. When the man came, the governor, considering 
that if he had stolen, it was more out of necessity than 
disposition, said to him. Friend, it is a severe winter , and 
I doubt you are hut meanly provided tcith wood; wherefore 
I would have you supply yourself at my wood-pile, till this 
cold season be over. And he then merrily asked his friends 
whether he had not effectually cured this man of stealing 
his vjood ?" 

" On receiving a very bitter and provoking letter, he 
gave it back to the person who brought it, saying, ' I am 



not willing to keep such an occasion of provocation by 
nie.' Tlic person, who wrote the letter, had occasion 
some time after to desire the governor to sell him one or 
two fat swine. The governor sent word to him to send for 
one, and accept it as a token of his good will. To this 
message the man returned the following answer, ' Your 
overcoming yourself has overcome me.' " 

The house of Gov. Winthrop was near the Old South 
Church, and almost opposite to the end of School street, in 
the place now occupied by the buildings called South Row 
It was of wood, two stories high, and surrounded by a 
garden and trees. The British demolished it in 1775." 

" Having expended a large portion of his great estate 
for the advantage of the colony, having exhausted his 
strength in cares and labors in their service, he felt the de- 
cays of nature years before his decease. A cold, succeed- 
ed by a fever, put an end to his life and services, 
March 26th, 1049, in the fifty-second year of his age. He 
anticipated the serious event with calm resignation to the 
will of God. He left five sons; one of them was afterwards 
governor of Connecticut." 

"The first church erected at Boston was in 1632. Its 
roof was thatched, audits walls were of mud. It stood on 
the south side of State street." 

The first meeting-house erected in Billerica was built 
about the year 1660. It was covered with thatch instead 
of shingles. 

" In 1636, the general court of Massachusetts contem- 
plated the erection of a public school at Newtown, and 
appropriated four hundred pounds for that purpose ; which 
laid the foundation of Harvard College. In 1638, the Rev 
John Harvard, of Charlestown, endowed the public school 
with about eight hundred pounds. Thus endowed, the 
school was exalted to a college, and assumed the name of 
its principal benefactor, and Nnvtown, in compliment to 
the college, and in memory of the place where many of 
our fathers received their education, was denominated 

The first printing press, established in New England, 
was set up at Cambridge, in 1639. Winthrop says, that 



the first thing which was printed was the freeman's oath — 
the next was an ahnanac, made for New Engl.ind, by Mr. 
Pierce — the next was the Psalms newly turned to metre." 

The first Bible published in New England was in the 
Indian language. It was prepared by Mr. Eliot, the apos- 
tle of the Indians, and printed at Cambridge, in 1664. 

"In 1642, a gentleman of Virginia came to Boston 
with letters addressed to the ministers of New England, 
from many well-disposed people in the upper and newer 
parts of Virginia, ' bewailing their sad condition for want 
of the means of salvation, and earnestly entreating a sup- 
ply of faithful ministers, whom, upon experience of their 
gifts and godliness, they might call to office,' These let- 
ters having been publicly read at Boston on a lecture-day, 
the elders of the churches in that neighborhood met, and 
Iiaving devoted a day to consultation and prayer in refer- 
ence to so serious a proposal, agreed upon three settled 
ministers, who they thouglit might best be spared, each of 
them having a teaching colleague. The result was, that 
two ministers, Mr. Knolles, of Watertown, and Mr. Thomp- 
son, of Braintree, were, by their churches, dismissed to 
that work, and went forth upon the mission under the pa- 
tronage of the General Court. To this mission — the first 
American home missionary undertaking — the Rev. Tho- 
mas James, of New Haven, was added. The mission was 
not unsuccessful ; ' they found very loving and liberal en- 
tertainment, and were bestowed in several places, not by 
the governor, but by some well-disposed people who de- 
sired their company.' Their ministry there was greatly 
blessed, and greatly sought by the people ; and though the 
government of that colony interfered to prevent their 
preaching, ' because they would not conform to the order 
of England,' 'the people resorted to them in private 
houses, to hear them as before.' Their preaching, even in 
this more private manner, was not tolerated. An order 
was made that those ministers who would not conform to 
the ceremonies of the Church of England, should, by such 
a day, depart from the country. Thus, their mission being 
brought to an end, they came back to New England. 



" The year 1643 was made memorable in the history of 
New England, by the union of the colonies. On the J 9th 
of May, articles of confederation were si<rned at Boston, 
by the commissioners of Massachusetts, Connecticut, New 
Haven, and Plymouth, by which these four colonies formed 
a league under the name of the United Colonics of New 
Ens{land. The preface of the articles explains the objects 
of the confederation. 

" ' Whereas, we all came into these parts of America 
with one and the same end and aim, namely, to advance 
the kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ, and to enjoy the 
liberty of the gospel in purity and peace ; and whereas, 
by our settling, by the wise providence of God, we are fur 
ther dispersed upon the sea-coasts and rivers than was at 
first intended, so that we cannot, according to our desire, 
with convenience, communicate in one government and ju- 
risdiction; and Vv'hereas, we live encompassed with people 
of several nations and strange languages, which may here 
after prove injurious to us or our posterity ; and forasmuch 
as the natives have formerly committed sundry insolences 
and outrages upon several plantations of the English, 
and have of late combined themselves against us, and 
seeing, by reason of the sad distractions in England, 
(which they have heard of,) and by which they know we 
are hindered both from that humble way of seeking advice 
and reaping those comfortable fruits of protection which, 
at other times, we might well expect ; we therefore do con- 
ceive it our bounden duty, without delay, to enter into a 
present consociation among ourselves, for mutual help and 
strength in all future concernment, that, as in nation and 
religion, so in other respects, we be and continue one.' 

" By the articles, it was stipulated that two commis- 
sioners from each of the colonies should meet at Boston, 
Hartford, New Haven, and Plymouth, in successive years, 
and that this congress should determine questions of peace 
and war, and consult for the general welfare of the colo- 
nies. This league continued till the year J 686. It had 
a beneficial effect, and was probably the germ from which 
sprung the confederation, and the subsequent union of 
the states, under our present happy government." * 

* Knowles' Memoir of Roger Williams. 



There have been various opinions respecting the orirrin 
of the name Yankee. *' Mr. Ileckewelder thinks that the 
Indians, in endeavoring to pronounce tiie name English, 
could get tliat sound no nearer than these letiers give it, 
yengees. This was perhaps the true oi'igin of Yankee." 

The name of each of the six New England States ori- 
ginated as follows : 

Massachusetts derived its name, as is supposed, from 
the blue appearance of its hills; the word in the Indian 
language, according to Roger Williams, signifying Biue 

"Connecticut derives its name from the river by 
which it is intersected, called by the natives Quonectacut. 
This word, according to some, signifies the long river; 
it has, however, been stated by others, that the meaning 
of the word is Rivrr of Pines, in allusion to the forests 
of pines that formerly stood on its banks." 

As early as 1G44, the Island of Rhode Island, on ac- 
count of a fancied resemblance to the Isle of Rhodes, 
was called by that name, and by an easy declension it 
was afterwards called Rhode Island. This is supposed to 
be the origin of tlie name of the state of Rhode Island. 

New HaiMpshire derived its name from the county of 
Hampshire in England, the residence of Mason, to whom a 
patent embracing a considerable part of the state was given. 

The provincial name of Maine, according to William- 
son, was probably chosen in compliment to the queen of 
England, who had inherited a province of the same name 
in France. 

Vermont derived its name from the range of green 
mountains, which pass through it. Verd signifying green, 
and mojit, mountain. 

The name Canada is so singular in its origin that we 
venture to insert it here, believing that the reader will 
regard it as a pardonable digression. " Mr. Bozman, in 
his * Introduction to a History of Maryland,' says that it 
is a traditional report that previous to the visiting of New- 
foundland by Cartier, in 1534, some Spaniards visited 
that coast in search of gold; but its appearance discour- 
aged them, and they quitted it in haste, crying out as they 
went on board their vessel, 'Aca nada, Aca nada ; ' that 



is, in English, ' there's nothing here.' The Indians re- 
tained these words in their memories, and afterwards, 
when the French came to tlie country, they were saluted 
with the same words, and mistook them for the name of 
the country. And in time, the first letter was lost ; hence 
the name Canada.'' 

In the year 1677, the whole state of Maine, then a 
province, was purchased by the Massachusetts colony of 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, for the sum of twelve hundred 
and jjfty jwunds. It remained a part of Massachusetts 
until the year 1820, when it was formed into a separate state. 

It may be interesting to the reader to learn something 
of the laws, regulations, and modes of punishment as they 
existed in the early days of New England. The following 
are specimens : 

All parents to teach their children to read, and all 
masters to acquaint their families with the capital laws, 
on penalty of twenty shillings, and to catechise them once 
a week. 

The selectmen may examine children and apprentices, 
and admonish parents and masters, if they find them igno- 
rant, and with the consent of two magistrates, or the next 
county court, put them into better hands. 

If any person's dress should be adjudged by the grand 
jury, or county court, above his rank, they are to be ad- 
monished for the first offence, to pay twenty shillings for 
the second, forty shillings for the third, and forty shillings 
for every oifence afterwards. 

Idleness was no small offence ; common fowlers, tobacco 
t?J<^ers, and all the persons who could give no good account 
how they spent their time, the constables were required 
to present to the next magistrate ; and the selectmen of 
every town were required to oversee tlie families, and to 
distribute the children into classes, and to take care that 
they were employed in spinning and other labor, according 
to their age and condition. 

Merchants not to retail under three gallons of w'ine or 
cider, and a quart of strong waters, (ardent spirit.) 

None to buy lands of Indians, without leave from the 
general court, on forfeiture of the lands. 



Whoever sells them any strong liquors, pays forty shil- 
lings a pint ; a third to the informer. 

Damage done to their corn to be recompensed by tho^e 
whose cattle did it. 

Josias Plaistowc, for stealing four baskets of corn from 
the Indians, is ordered to return them eight baskets, to be 
fined five pounds, and hereafter to be called by the name 
of Josias, and not Mr., as formerly he used to be. 

Sergeant Perkins ordered to carry forty turfs to the fort, 
for being drunk. 

Edward Palmer, for his extortion in taking two pounas 
thirteen shillings and fourpence for the wood-work of Bos- 
ton stocks, is fined five pounds, and ordered to sit one hour 
in the stocks. 

Capt. Lovel admonished to take heed of light carriage. 

Daniel Clarke, found to be an immoderate drinker, was 
fined forty shillings. 

John Wedgewood, for being in the company of drunk- 
ards, to be set in the stocks. 

There was a law which sentenced a man convicted of 
drunkenness to wear round his neck, for one year, a string 
to which was attached a board with a red D. marked upon 

There was also a law forbidding tlie use of tobacco in 
company or before strangers. 

" The colony of Connecticut expressed their disappro- 
bation of the use of tobacco in an act of their general 
assembly, at Hartford, in 1647, wherein it was ordered, 
* That no person under the age of twenty years that hath 
already accustomed himself to the use thereof, shall take 
any tobacco, until he shall have brought a certificate from 
under the hand of some who are approved for knowledge 
and skill in physic, that it is useful for him ; and also that 
he hath received a license from the court for the same. 
All others who had addicted themselves to the use of to- 
bacco were, by the same court, prohibited taking it in any 

* They were very careful to give no titles where they were not 
due. In a list of one hundred freemen, you will not find above 
four or five distinguished by Mr., although they were men of some 
substance. Goodman and Goodwife were the common appella- 




company, or at their labors, or on their travels, unless they 
were ten miles, at least, from any house, or more than once 
a day, though not in company, on pain of a fine of six" 
pence for each time, to be proved by one substantial evi- 
dence. The constable, in each town, to make present- 
ment of such transgressions to the particular court, and 
upon conviction the fine to be paid without gainsaying.' " 

*' In 1621, two culprits were arraigned before the civil 
compact of Plymouth for trial. These were Edward Do- 
ley and Edward Leister, servants of Stephen Hopkins, who 
had fought a duel, with sword and dagger, in which both 
were wounded. 

*' They were sentenced to have their head and feet tied 
together, and to remain in that situation for twenty-four 
hours, without food or drink. Even this slight punishment 
for an offence so criminal was remitted by the governor, 
after one hour's endurance, in consequence of their plead- 
ings and promises, and the earnest desire of their master." 

" Nathaniel Basset and Joseph Prior were fined twenty 
shillings each, for disturbing the church in Dnxbury, and, 
at the next town meeting or training day, both were to be 
bound to a post for two hours, in some public place, with 
a paper on their heads, on which their crime was to be 
written in capital letters. Miss J. Boulton, for slandering, 
was sentenced to sit in the stocks during the court's plea- 
sure, and a paper, written with capital letters, to be made 
fast unto her, all the time of her silting there, all of which 
was accordingly performed." 

"In 1662, S. H., for carrying a grist of corn from mill 
on Sunday, fined twenty shillings, or to be whipped. 

" W. F., for suffering him to take it from the mill, fined 
ten shillings. 

R. Smith, for lying concerning seeing a whale and 
other things, fined twenty shillings. 

" William Randall, for telling a lie, fined ten shillings." 

" In 1673, the^irst dancing school was opened in Boston, 
but was immediately prohibited by the general court. 

" All denominations of money, current in the early pe- 
riods of settlement, were quite inadequate to the purposes 
of the people's convenience or wants. Emigrants brought 
small amounts with them, and after the removals to thi3 



country received a check about the year 1G40, and many 
returned back, the legislature, in consequence of the ex- 
treme scarcity of a circulating medium, made corn, fish, 
and other products a tender at the rates prescribed by law ; 
also provided for extending executions upon real estate, 
made wampum current in payment of all debts, not exceed- 
ing forty shillings ; and established the rate of annual in- 
terest at eight per centum. The value of vi^ampum was 
four black, and ei^ht white beads for a penny." 

When Columbus first discovered America, he concluded 
it to be the easterly part of India ; accordingly, he called 
the inhabitants, he found here, Indians. This was the 
origin of the name, as applied to the aborigines of Ame- 

TL'e principal tribes of Indians, which were settled 
in New England, were the Pcqiiots, in Connecticut ; Nar- 
ragansetts, in Rhode Island ; the \Va7npan0ags, Massachu- 
setts^, Nipnets or Nipmucks, Nashuas, and Stockbridge In- 
dians, in Massachusetts ; the Pigioacket, or Coos Indians, 
in New Hampshire ; and the Tarrateens, or Abcnaquis, in 
the District of Maine." 

Trumbull gives the following account of the manners 
and customs of the Indians. 

" The Indians of New England were large, straight, well- 
proportioned men. Their bodies were firm and active, 
capable of enduring the greatest fatigues and hardships. 
Their passive courage was almost incredible When tor- 
tured in the most cruel manner, though flayed alive, though 
burnt with fire, cut or torn limb from limb, they would not 
groan, nor show any signs of distress. Nay, in some in- 
stances, they would glory over their tormentors, saying, 
that their hearts would never be soft until they were cold, 
and representing their torments as sweet as Englishman's 
sugar. When travelling, in summer or winter, they re- 
garded neither heat nor cold. 

" They were exceedingly light of foot, and would tra- 
vel or run a very great distance in a day. Mr. Williams 
says, * I have known them run between eighty and a hun- 
dred miles in a summer's day, and back again within two 
days.' As they were accustomed to the woods, they ran 



[cHAr. XIII 

nearly as well in them as on plain ground. Tliey were 
exceedingly qiiick-siglited to discover their enemy or their 
game, and equally artful to conceal themselves Their 
ieatures were tolerably regular. Their faces are generally 
full as broad as those of the English, but flatter ; they have 
a small, dark-colored good eye, coarse black liair, and a 
fine set of teeth. The Indian children, when born, are 
nearly as white as the English children ; but as they grow 
up, their skin grows darker, and becomes nearly of a cop- 
per color. The shapes, both of the men and women, es- 
pecially the latter, are excellent. A crooked Indian is 
rarely if ever to be seen. 

"The Indians, in general, were quick of apprehension, 
ingenious, and, when pleased, nothing could exceed their 
courtesy and friendship. Gravity and eloquence distin- 
guished them in council, address and bravery in war. 
They were not more easily provoked than the English ; 
but when once they had received an injury, it was never 
forgotten. In anger they were not, like the English, talk- 
ative and boisterous, but sullen and revengeful. Indeed, 
when they were exasperated, nothing could exceed their 
revenge and cruelty. When they have fallen into the pow- 
er of an enemy, they have not been known to beg for life, 
nor even to accept it when offered them. They have 
seemed rather to court death. They were exceedingly 
improvident. If they had a supply for the present, they 
gave themselves no trouble for the future. The men de- 
clined all labor, and spent their time in hunting, fishing, 
shooting, and warlike exercises. They were excellent 
marksmen, and rarely missed their game whether running 
or flying. 

" They imposed all the drudgery upon their women 
They gathered and brought home their wood ; planted, 
dressed, and gathered in their corn. They carried home 
the venison, flsh, and fowl, which the men took in hunt- 
ing. When they travelled, the women carried the chil- 
dren, packs, and provisions. The Indian women submit- 
ted patiently to such treatment, considering it as the hard 
lot of the woman. This ungenerous usage of their haugh- 
ty lords they repaid with smiles and good humor. They 
were strong and masculine, and as they were more inured 



to exercise and hardship than the men, were even more 
firm and capable of enduring hardship than they. 

"The clothing of the Indians in New England was the 
skins of wild beasts. The men threw a light mantle of 
skins over them, and wore a small flap, which was called 
Indian breeches. The women were much more modest. 
They wore a coat of skins girt about their loins, which 
reached down to their hams. They never put this off in 
company. If the husband chose to sell his wife's beaver 
petticoat, she could not be persuaded to part with it, until 
he had provided another of some sort. 

" In the winter, their blanket of skins, which hung 
loose in the summer, was tied or wrapped more closely 
about them. The old men in the severe seasons also wore 
a sort of trowsers made of skins, and fastened to their gir- 
dles. They wore shoes without heels, which they called 
moccasons. These were made generally of moose hide, 
but sometimes of buck-skin. They were shaped entirely 
to the foot, gathered at the toes and round the ankles, and 
made fast with strings. 

" Their ornaments were pendants in their ears and nose, 
carved of bone, shells, and stones. These v.'ere in the 
form of birds, beasts, and fishes. They also wore belts of 
wampumpeag upon their arms, over their shoulders, and 
about their loins. They cut their hair into various antic 
forms, and stuck it with feathers. They also, by incisions 
into which they conveyed a black or blue unchangeable 
ink, made on their cheeks, arms, and other parts of their 
bodies, the figures of moose, deer, bears, wolves, hawks, 
eagles, and all such living creatures as were most agreea- 
ble to their fancies. These pictures were indelible, and 
lasted during life. The sachems, on great days, when 
they designed to show themselves in the full splendor of 
majesty, not only covered themselves with mantles of 
moose or deer-skins, with various embroideries of white 
beads, and with paintings of different kinds, but they wore 
the skin of a bear, wild cat, or some terrible creature, upon 
their shoulders and arms. They had also necklaces of 
fish bones, and painting themselves in a frightful manner, 
made a most ferocious and horrible appearance. The war- 
riors who, on public occasions, dressed themselves in the^ 



[chap. XIII. 

most wild and terrific forms, were considered the best 

*' The Indian houses, or wigwams, were, at best, but 
poor smoky cells. They were constructed generally like 
arbors, of small young trees, bent and twisted together, 
and so curiously covered with mats or bark, that they were 
tolerably dry and warm. The Indians made their lire in 
the centre of the house, and there was an opening at ihe 
top, which emitted the smoke. For the convenience of 
wood and water, these huts were commonly erected in 
groves, near some river, brook, or living spring 

" They lived in a poor, low manner : their food was 
coarse and simple, without any kind of seasoning: ihey 
had neither butter, cheese, nor milk : they drank nothing 
better than the water which ran in the brook, or spouted 
from the spring : they fed on the flesh and entrails of 
moose, deer, bears, and all kinds of wild beasts and fowls; 
on fish, and eels, and creeping things : they had good sto- 
machs, and nothing came amiss. In the hunting and fish 
ing seasons they had venison, moose, fat bears, raccoons, 
geese, turkeys, ducks, and fish of all kinds. In the sum- 
mer they had green corn, beans, squashes, and the various 
fruits which the country naturally produced. In the win- 
ter they subsisted on corn, beans, fish, ground-nuts, acorns, 
and the very gleanings of the grove. 

" They had no set meals, but, like other wild creatures, 
ate when they were hungry, and could find anything to 
satisfy the cravings of nature. Sometimes they had little 
or nothing for several days ; but when they had provisions, 
they feasted. If they fasted for some time, they were sure 
at the next meal to make up for all they had lost before. 
Indian corn, beans, and squashes, were the only eatables 
for which the natives in New England labored. The earth 
was both their seat and their table. With trenchers, 
knives, and napkins, they had no acquaintance. 

" Their liousehold furniture was of small value. Their 
best bed was a mat or skin ; they had neither chair nor 
stool. They ever sat upon the ground, connnonly with 
their elbows upon their knees; this is the manner in which 
their great warriors and counsellors now^ sit, even in the 
most public treaties with the English. A few wooden and 



stone vessels and instruments serve all the purposes of 
domestic life. They had no steel or iron instruments. 
Tiieir knife was a sharp stone, shell, or kind of reed, which 
they sharpened in such a manner as to cut their hair, make 
their bows and arrows, and serve all the purposes of a 
knife. They made them axes of stone ; these they sh;iped 
somewhat similar to our axes ; but with this difference, 
that they were made with a neck instead of an eye, and 
fastened with a withe like a blacksmith's chisel. They 
had mortars, and stone pestles, and chisels; great num- 
bers of these have been found in the country, and kept 
by the peoj)le as curiosities. They dressed their corn with 
a clam-shell, or with a stick made flat and sharp at one 
end. These were all the utensils they had, either for do- 
mestic use, or for husbandry. 

"Their arts and manufactures were confined to a very 
narrow compass. Their only weapons were bows and 
arrows, the tomahawk, and the wooden sword, or spear. 
Their bows were of the common construction ; their bow 
strings were made of the sinews of deer, or of Indian 
hemp. Their arrows were constructed of young elder 
sticks, or of other straight sticks and reeds ; these were 
headed with a sharp flinty stone, or with bones. The 
arrow was cleft at one end, and the stone or bone was put 
in, and fastened with a small cord. The tomahawk was 
a stick of two or three feet in length, with a knob at one 
end. Sometimes it was a stone hatchet, or a stick with a 
piece of deer's horn at one end, in the form of a pickaxe. 
Their spear was a straight piece of wood, sharpened at 
one end, and hardened in the fire, or headed with bone 
or stone. 

" With respect to navigation, they had made no im- 
provements beyond the construction and management of 
the hollow trough, or canoe. They made their canoes of 
the chestnut, white wood, and pine trees. As these grew 
straight to a great length, and were exceedingly large as 
well as tall, they constructed some which would carry 
sixty or eighty men; these were first rates; but commonly 
they were not more than twenty feet in length, and two in 
breadth. The Pequots had many of these, in which they 
passed over to the islands, and warred against, and plun- 
dered, the islanders. 



" The construction of these, with such miserable tools 
as the Indians possessed, was a great curiosity. The 
manner was this : when they had found a tree to their 
purpose, to fell it they made a fire at the root, and kept 
burning it, and cutting it with their stone axe until it fell ; 
then they kindled a fire at such a distance from the butt 
as they chose, and burned it off again. By burning and 
Avorking with their axe, and scraping with sharp stones 
and shells, they made it hollow and smooth. In the same 
manner they shaped the ends, and finished it to their 

" They constructed nets, twenty and thirty feet in length, 
for fishing, especially for the purpose of catching sturgeon. 
These were wrought with cords of Indian hemp, twisted 
by the hands of the women. They had also hooks, made 
of flexible bones, which they used for fishing. 

" With respect to religion and morals, the Indians in 
New England were in a most deplorable condition. They 
believed that there was a great Spirit, or God, whom they 
called Kitchtan, They imagined that he dwelt far away 
in the south-west, and that he was a good God. But they 
worshipped a great variety of gods. They paid homage 
to the fire and water, thunder and lightning, and to what- 
ever they imagined was superior to themselves, or capable 
of doing them an injury. They paid their principal hom- 
age to Hobbamocho. They imagined that he was an evil 
spirit, and did them mischief; and so, from fear, they 
worshipped him, to keep him in good humor. They ap- 
peared to have no idea of a sabbath, and not to regard 
any particular day more than another. But in times of 
uncommon distress, by reason of pestilence, w^ar, or fam- 
ine, and upon occasion of great victories and triumph, 
and after the in-gathering of the fruits, they assembled in 
great numbers, for the celebration of their snperstitious 
rites. The whole country, men, women and children, 
came together upon these solemnities. The manner of 
their devotion was, to kindle large fires in their wigwams, 
or more commonly in the open fields, and to sing and 
dance around them, in a wild and violent manner. Some 
times they would all shout aloud, with the most antic and 
hideous noises. They made rattles of shells, which they 



shook, in a wild and violent manner, to fill up the confused 
noise. After the English settled in Connecticut, and they 
could purchase kettles of brass, they used to strain skins 
over them, and beat upon them, to augment their wretched 
music. They often continued these wild and tumultuous 
exercises for four or five hours, until they were worn 
down, and spent with fatigiie. Their priests, or powows, 
led in these exercises. They were dressed in the most 
odd and surprising manner, with skins of odious and 
frightful creatures about their heads, faces, arras, and 
bodies. They painted themselves in the most ugly forms 
which could be devised. Tiiey sometimes sang, and then 
broke forth into strong invocations, with starts, and strange 
motions and passions. When these paused the other 
Indians groaned, making wild and doleful sounds. At 
these times they sacrificed their skins, Indian money, and 
the best of their treasures. These were taken by the 
powow, and all cast into the fires and consumed together. 
After the English came into the country, and they had 
hatchets and kettles, they sacrificed these in the same 
manner. The English were also persuaded that they 
sometimes sacrificed their children, as well as their most 
valuable commodities. The people of Milford, Conn., 
observing an Indian child, nearly at one of these times of 
their devotion, dressed in an extraordinary manner, with 
all kinds of Indian finery, had the curiosity to inquire 
what could be the reason. The Indians answered that it 
was to be sacrificed, and the people supposed that it was 
given to the devil. So deluded were these unhappy peo- 
ple, that they believed these barbarous sacrifices to be 
absolutely necessary. They imagined that unless they 
appeased and conciliated their gods in this manner, they 
would neither suffer them to have peace, nor harvests, fish, 
venison, fat bears, nor turkeys, but would visit them with 
a general destruction. 

*' With respect to morals, they were indeed miserably 
depraved. They were insidious and revengeful almost 
without a parallel, and they wallowed in all the filth of 
wantonness. Great pains were taken with the Narragan- 
sett and Connecticut Indians to civilize them, and teach 
them christianitv ; but the sachems rejected the gospel 
27 ' 



with indignation and contempt. They would not suffer it 
to be preached to their subjects. Indeed, both made it a 
public interest to oppose its propagation among them. 
Their policy, religion, and manners were directly opposed 
to its pure doctrines and morals. 

The Indian governinent, generally, was absolute mon- 
archy. The will of the sachem was iiis law. The lives 
and interests of his subjects were at his disposal. But in 
all important affairs he consulted his counsellors. When 
they had given their opinions, they deferred the decision 
of every matter to him. Whatever his decisions were, 
they applauded his wisdom, and without hesitation obeyed 
his commands. In council, the deportujent of the sachems 
was grave and majestic to admiration. They appeared to 
be men of great discernment and policy. Their speeches 
were cautious and politic. The conduct of their coun- 
sellors and servants was profoundly respectful and sub- 
missive. The revenues of the crown consisted in the 
contributions of the people. They carried corn, and the 
first fruits of their harvest of all kinds, beans, squashes, 
roots, berries and nuts, and presented them to their sa- 
chem. They made him presents of fiesh, fish, fowl, moose, 
bear, deer, beaver, and other skins. When they brought 
their tribute, the sachem went out to meet them, and by 
good words, and some small gifts, expressed his gratitude. 

" The Indians had no kind of coin ; but they had a sort 
of money, which they called wampum, or wampumpeag. 
It consisted of small beads, most curiously wrought out of 
shells, and perforated in the centre, so that they might be 
strung on belts, in chains and bracelets. There were 
several sorts. The Indians in New England made black, 
blue, and white wampum. The whiteheads were wrought 
out of the inside of the great conchs, and the purple out 
of the inside of the muscle shell. They were made per- 
fectly smooth, and the perforation was done in the neatest 
manner. Indeed, considering that the Indians had neither 
knife, drill, nor any steel or iron instrument, the workman- 
ship is admirable. After the English settlements in Con- 
necticut, the Indians strung these beads on belts of cloth, 
in a very curious manner. The squaws made caps of cloth, 
rising to a peak over the top of the head, and the fore part 



was beautified with wampum, curiously wrought upon 

" The Indians were at, a loss to know what could induce 
the English to leave England and come to America. The 
most probable conjecture they could form was, that the 
English wanted fuel at home, and came over for tlie sake 
of the wood. Wiien they had burnt up the wood near 
their settlement, they removed to a new place for the sake 
of fuel." 

The evils of an Indian war are thus described by Bel- 

" The Indians were seldom or never seen before they did 
execution. They appeared not in the open field, nor gave 
proofs of a truly masculine courage ; but did their exploits 
by surprise, chiefly in the morning, keeping themselves hid 
behind logs and bushes, near the paths in the woods, or the 
fences contiguous to the doors of the houses; and their 
lurking holes could be known only by the report of their 
guns, which was indeed feeble, as they were sparing of 
their ammunition, and as near as possible to their object 
before they fired. They rarely assaulted a house unless 
they knew there would be but little resistance, and it has 
been afterward known that they have lain in ambush for 
days together, watching the motions of the people at their 
work, without daring to discover themselves. One of their 
chiefs, who had got a woman's riding-hood among his 
plunder, would put it on, in an evening, and walk into the 
streets of Portsmouth, looking into the windows of houses, 
and listening to the conversation of the people. 

" Their cruelty was chiefly exercised upon children, and 
such aged, infirm, or corpulent persons, as could not bear 
the hardships of a journey through the v/ilderness. If they 
took a woman, far advanced in pregnancy, their knives 
were plunged into her bowels. An infaiit, when it became 
troublesome, had its brains dashed out against the next tree 
or stone. Sometimes, to torment the wretched mother, 
they would whip and beat the child till almost dead, or 
hold it under water till its breath was just gone, and then 
thrf)w it to her, to comfort and quiet it. If the mother 
could not readily still its weeping, the hatchet was buried 



in its skull. A captive, wearied with a burden laid on his 
shoulders, was often sent to rest the same way. If any one 
proved refractory, or was known to have been instrumental 
of the death of an Indian, or related to one who had been 
so, he was tortured with a lingering punishment, generally 
at the stake, whilst the other captives were insulted with 
the sight of his miseries. Sometimes a fire would be 
kindled, and a threatening given out against one or more, 
though there was no intention of sacrificing them, only to 
make sport with their terrors. The young Indians often 
signalized their cruelty in treating captives inhumanly, out 
of sight of the elder, and when inquiry was made into the 
matter, the insulted captive must either be silent, or put 
the best face on it, to prevent worse treatment for the fu- 
ture. If a captive appeared sad and dejected, he was sure 
to meet with insult ; but if he could sing and dance and 
laugh with his masters, he was caressed as a brother. They 
had a strong aversion to negroes, and generally killed 
them when they fell into their hands. 

" Famine was a common attendant on these doleful 
captivities. The Indians, when they caught any game, 
devoured it all at one sitting, and then girding themselves 
round the waist, travelled without sustenance till chance 
threw more in their way. The captives, unused to such 
canine repasts and abstinences, could not support the sur- 
feit of the one, nor the cravings of the other. A change 
of masters, though it sometimes proved a relief from mis- 
ery, yet rendered the prospect of a return to their homes 
more distant. If an Indian had lost a relative, a prisoner 
bougiJt for a gun, a hatchet, or a few skins, must supply 
the place of the deceased, and be the father, brother, or 
son of the purchaser ; and those who could accommodate 
themselves to such barbarous adoption, were treated with 
the same kindness as the persons in whose place they were 
substituted. A sale among the French in Canada was 
the most happy event to a captive, especially if he became 
a servant in the family; though sometimes, even there, a 
prison was their lot, till opportunity presented for their re- 
demption ; whilst the priests employed every seducing art 
to pervert them to the popish religion, and induce them to 
abandon their country. These circumstances, joined with 



the more obvious hardships of travelling half naked nnd 
barefoot throiJ^.Hi pathless deserts, over craggy mountains 
and deep swamps, through frost, rain, and snow, exposed 
by day and night to the inclemency of the we:ither, and in 
summer to the venomous stings of those numberless in- 
sects with which the woods abound ; the restless anxiety 
of mind, the retrospect of past scenes of pleasure, the 
remembrance of distant friends, the bereavements experi- 
enced at the beginning, or during the progress of captivi- 
ty, and the daily apprehension of death, either by famine 
or the savage enemy ; these were the horrors of an Indian 

" On the other hand, it must be acknowledged that there 
have been instances of justice, generosity, and tenderness, 
during these wars, which would have done honor to a civ- 
ilized people. A kindness shown to an Indian was remem- 
bered as long as an injury ; and persons have liad their 
lives spared for acts of humanity done to the ancestors of 
those Indians into whose hands they have fallen. Tliey 
would sometimes ' carry children on their arms and shoul-» 
ders, feed their prisoners with the best of their provision, 
and pinch themselves rather than their captives should 
want food.' When sick or wounded, they would afford 
them proper means for their recovery, which they were 
very well able to do by their knowledge of simples. In 
thus preserving the lives and health of their prisoners, they 
doubt^less had a view of gain. But the most remarkably 
favorable circumstance in an Indian captivity, was their 
decent behavior to women. I have never read, nor heard, 
nor could find by inquiry, that any woman who fell into 
their hands, v/as ever treated with the least immodesty ; 
but testimonies to the contrary are very frequent. Whether 
this negative virtue is to be ascribed to a natural frigidity 
of constitution, let philosophers inquire ; the fact is cer- 
tain, and it was a most happy circumstance for our female 
captives, that in the midst of all their distresses, they had 
no reason to fear, from a savage foe, the perpetration of a 
crime which has too frequently disgraced not only the per- 
sonal, but the national character of those who make large 
pretensions to civilization and humanity." 

The two following incidents are taken from Abbot's His- 



tory of Andover. " In 1G98, the Indians took Col. Dudley 
Bradstreet and family, and carried them about fifty rods 
from his house, when they halted and dismissed their pri- 
soners without offering them the least injury; a singular 
instance of mercy in a people who had always shown them- 
selves to be cruel, and to have no mercy. The tradition 
is, that one Watternummon, an Indian who lived at New- 
bury, and is supposed to have had a particular regard to 
Col. Bradstreet, undertook to conduct the Indians to his 
house upon these conditions, that they should neither kill 
nor captivate any of his family. They took Abiel Ste- 
vens, a lad, who feigned himself lame, and kept behind; 
the Indians hastened, expecting to be pursued ; he turned 
and ran, and escaped, though fired upon by the Indian 
who took him." 

" Rev. Solomon Stoddard, of Northampton, possessed, 
prob.ibly, more influence than any other clergyman in the 
province, during a period of thirty years. Here he was 
regarded with a reverence, which will scarcely be render- 
ed to any other man. The very savages are said to have 
felt towards him a peculiar awe. Once, when he was riding 
from Northampton to Hatfield, and passing a place called 
Dewey's hole, an ambush of savages lined the road. It is 
said, that a Frenchman, directing his gun towards him, 
was warned, by one of the Indians, who some time before 
had been among the English, not to fire, because 'that 
man was Englishman's God.' A similar adventure is re- 
ported to have befallen him, while meditating in an or- 
chard, immediately behind the church in Deerfield, a ser- 
mon which he was about to preach. These stories, told in 
Canada, are traditionally asserted to have been brought 
back by English captives. It was customary for the Cana- 
dian savages, after they had returned from their excursions, 
to report their adventures, by way of triumph, to the cap- 
tives taken in the English colonies." 

" In the year 1689, the garrison house of Dominicus 
Jordan, son of Rev. Robert Jordan, at Spurwink, Me., 
was violently assailed by the savages, which he defended 
with bravery and success. To intimidate him, an Indian 
called to him loudly, * We are ten hundred in number.' 
' I don't care,' replied Jordan, * if you are ten thousand.' 



A few years afterwards, perhaps at the commencement of 
the third ^Indian war, several Indians, visiting his house, 
were received with familiarity, common in time of peace, 
when one inflicted a mortal blow upon his head, exclaim- 
ing, ' There, Dominicus ! now kill 'em ten thousand In- 
dian !' The family were all made prisoners, and carried to 

In 1726, a block-house, for the defence of the planta- 
tion, was commenced in Penacook, now Concord, N. 11. 
** During the winter of this year, only two or three persons 
resided in the house. The snow was very deep, the cold 
unusually severe, and their provisions were insufficient 
to support them through the season. The Indians saw 
their situation, and, as soon as possible, journeyed to Ha- 
verhill. They there called on the proprietors, and repre- 
sented to them the situation of the family, very seriously 
observing that thei/ would soon come upon the town, unless 
they were assisted ! A sleigh with stores soon after ar- 
rived at Penacook, and rescued them from starvation." 

" At the courts in Barnstable county, formerly," says 
one, *' we often heard from our aged friends, and from the 
Vineyard gentlemen, amusing anecdotes of Indian rulers. 
The following warrant is recollected, which was issued by 
one of those magistrates directed to an Indian constable, 
and will not suffer in comparison with our more verbose 

I Hihoudi, 

You Peter Waterman, 
Jeremy Wicket; 
Q,uick you take him, 
Fast you hold him, 
Straight you bring him, 
Before me, Hihoudi." 

"In the eastern part of the town of Norwich, Con.," 
says Barber, " is a plain called Sachem's Plain. This spot 
is rendered memorable by the battle between Uncas and 
Miantonimoh, the sachem of theNarragaftsetts. The army 
of Miantonimoh was routed, he taken prisoner, and after- 
wards executed and buried here. 

Miantonimoh, without consulting the English accord- 



ing to agreement, uithoat proclaiming war, or giving Un- 
cas the least information, raised an army of nine hundred 
or a thousand men, and marched against him. Uncas' 
spies discovered the army at some distance, and gave him 
intelligence. He was unprepared; hut rally it«g hetw con 
four and five hundred of his bravest men, he told them 
they must by no means sulfer MiantonimoJi to come into 
their town, but must go and fight him on his way. Hav 
ing marched three or four miles, the armies met upon 
a large plain. When they had advanced within fair bow- 
shot of each other, Uncas had recourse to a stratageu), 
witli which he had previously acquainted his warriors. He 
desired a parley, and both armies halted in the face of 
each other. Uncas, gallantly advancing in the front of 
his men, addressed Miantonimoh to this effect, ' You have 
a number of stout men with you, and so have I with me. 
It is a great pity that such brave warriors should be killed 
in a private quarrel between us only. Come like a man, 
as^you profess to be, and let us fight it out. If you kill me, 
my men shall be yours; but if I kill you, your men shall be 
mine.' Miantonimoh replied, * My men came to fight, and 
they shall fight.' Uncas falling instantly upon the ground, 
his men discharged a shower of arrows upon the Narra- 
gansetts, and, without a moment's interval, rushing upon 
them in a furious manner, with their hideous Indian yell, 
put them immediately to flight. The Mohegans pursued 
the enemy with the same fury and eagerness with which 
tliey commenced the action. The Narragansetts were 
driven down rocks and precipices, and chased like a doe 
by the huntsman. Among others, Miantonimoh was ex- 
ceedingly pressed. Some of Uncas' bravest men, who 
were most light of foot, coming up with him, twitched 
him back, impeding his flight, that Uncas might take him. 
Uncas was a stout man, and rushing forward, like a lion 
greedy of his prey, seized him by the shoulder. He knew 
Uncas, and saw that he was now in the power of the man 
whom he hated, and by all means attempted to destroy ; but 
he sat down sulten, and spake not a word. Uncas gave 
the Indian whoop, and called up his men, who were be- 
hind, to his assistance. The victory was complete. About 
thirty of the Narragansetts were slain, and a much greater 



number wounded. Among the latter, was a brother of 
Miantonimoh, and two sons of Canonicus, a chief saclietn 
amonff the Narrasjansett Indians. The brother of Mian- 
toiiimoh was r^ot only wounded, but armed with a coat of 
mail, both which retarded his flight. Two of Miantoni- 
moh's captains, who formerly were Uncas' men, but had 
treacherously deserted him, discovering his situation, took 
him, and carried him to Uncas, hoping in this way to re- 
concile themselves to their sachem. But Uncas and his 
men slew them. Miantonimoh made no request either for 
himself or his men, but continued in the same sullen, 
speechless mood. Uncas therefore demanded of him, why 
he would not speak. Said he, * Had you taken me, I 
should have besought you for my life.' Uncas for the pre- 
sent spared his life, though he would not ask it, and re- 
turned with great triumph to Mohegan, carrying the Nar- 
ragansett sachem as an illustrious trophy of his victory." 

" Uncas conducted Miantonimoh to Hartford. Here 
his mouth was opened, and he plead most earnestly to be 
left in the custody of the English, probably expecting 
better treatment from them than from Uncas. He was 
accordingly kept unde? guard at Hartford, till the meeting 
of the commissioners at Boston. After an examination of 
the case, the commissioners resolved, ' That as it was evi- 
dent that Uncas could not be safe while Miantonimoh 
lived, but that, either by secret treachery, or open force, 
his life would be continually in danger, he might justly 
put such a false and blood-thirsty enemy to death.' They 
determined that it should be done out of the English 
jurisdiction. Tliey advised Uncas, that no torture or 
cruelty, but all mercy and moderation, be exercised in the 
manner of his execution. 

" Immediately upon the return of the commissioners of 
Connecticut and New Haven, Uncas, with a competent 
number of his most trusty men, was ordered to repair 
forthwith to Hartford. He was made acquainted with the 
determination of the commissioners, and receiving his 
prisoner, marched with him to the spot where he had been 
taken. At the instant they arrived on the ground, one of 
Uncas' men, who marched behind Miantonimoh, split his 
head with a hatchet, killing him at a single stroke. He 



[chap. XIII, 

was probably unacquainted with liis fate, and knew not by 
what means he fell. Uncas cut out a large piece of iiia 
shoulder, and ate it in savage triumph. He said, ' it was 
the sweetest meat he ever ate, it made his heart strong.' 

*' The Mohegans, by the order of Uncas, buried him 
at the place of his execution, and erected a great henp or 
pillar upon his grave. This memorable event gave the 
place the name of Sachem's Plain. Two Englishmen 
were sent with Uncas, to witness that the execution was 
done, and to prevent all torture and cruelty in the manner 
of its performance." 

"In the south part of East Windsor, where Podunk 
River crosses the road to Hartford, was an Indian burying 
ground. A few years since, a number of skeletons were 
discovered, by digging from one to four feet. These 
skeletons v.ere found lying on one side, knees drawn up 
to the breast, arms folded, with their heads to the south. 
A covering of bark seems to have been laid over them, 
with some few remains of blankets ; in one instance a 
small brass kettle and hatchet were found in good preser- 
vation ; the remains of a gun barrel and lock, a number 
of glass bottles, one of which was found half filled with 
some sort of liquid. These articles were probably ob- 
tained from the Dutch, either by present or trade. There 
were also found a pair of shears, a pistol, lead pipes, 
strings of wampum, small brass rings, glass beads: a 
female skeleton, with a brass comb; the hair was in a 
state of preservation wherever it came in contact with the 
comb. After the Podunks had removed from these parts, 
in one instance they were known to have brought a dead 
child from towards Norwich, and interred it in this bury- 
ing place. 

" At Bissell's ferry, near tlie mouth of Scantic River, 
is a well which is supposed to have been made before any 
English settlements were attempted in Connecticut. The 
lower part of the well is walled by stones hewn in a cir- 
cular manner, and the manner in which they are laid 
together is believed to be entirely different from that in 
which any Englishman would lay them. There remains 
no tradition respectmg the time or the persons by whom 
this well was constructed." 



" The great burying place of the Indian tribes in East 
Haven and vicinity is on the north end of the hill on 
which the fort stands, which anciently, in allusion to this 
place, was called Grave Hill. Some of the graves havo 
been levelled by the plough, but many of them are yet 
visible. In the year 1822, I examined three of these 
graves. At the depth of about three feet and a half, the 
sandstone appears, on which the bodies were laid, without 
any appearance of a wrapper or enclosure. They all lay 
in the direction of south-west and north-east, the head 
towards the west. Of two of them the arms lay by the 
side ; the other had the arms across the body, after the 
manner of the white people. The large bones and teeth 
were in a sound state. The thigh bones of one measured 
nineteen inches in length, the leg bone eighteen, and the 
arm, from the elbow to the shoulder, thirteen. By mea- 
suring the skeleton as it lay, it was concluded to be that 
of a man six and a half feci high. No article of any 
description appeared with the bones. It is said that about 
fifty or sixty years ago, some of these graves were opened, 
and a number of Indian implements of the kitchen, and 
of war, were found in them. Few Indians have been 
buried there within a century past." * 

The following account of some remains found in the 
town of Fall River, Mass., is from the pen of John Stark, 
Esq., and was published in the American Magazine, in 
1837. "About three years since, in digging down a hill 
near the village, a large mass of earth slid off, leaving in 
the bank, and partially uncovered, a human skull, which 
on examination was found to belong to a body buried in a 
sitting posture ; the head being about one foot below what 
had been for many years the surface of the ground. The 
surrounding earth was carefully removed, and the body 
found to be enveloped in a covering of coarse bark, of a 
dark color. Within this envelope were found the 
of another of coarse cloth, made of fine bark, and about 
the texture of a Manilla coffee bag. On the breast was a 
plate of brass, thirteen inches long, six broad at the upper 
end, and five at the lower. This plate appears to have 

Rer. Mr. Dodd's History of East Haven. 



[chap. XIII. 

been cast, and is from one eighth to three thirty-seconds 
of an inch in thickness. It is so much corroded, that 
whether or not any thing was engraved upon it, has not 
yet been ascertained. It is oval in form, the edges being 
irregular, apparently made so by corrosion. 

Below the breast-plate, and entirely encircling the 
body, was a belt composed of brass tubes, each four and a 
half inches in length, and three sixteenths of an inch in 
diameter, arranged longitudinally, and close together ; the 
length of a tube being the width of the belt. The tubes 
are of thin brass, cast upon hollow reeds, and were fas- 
tened together by pieces of sinew. This belt was so 
placed as to protect the lower parts of the body below the 
breast-plate. The arrows are of brass, thin, flat, and tri- 
angular in shape, with a round hole cut through near the 
base. The shaft was fastened to the head by inserting the 
latter in an opening at the end of the wood, and then tying 
it with a sinew through the round liole — a mode of con- 
structing the weapon never practised by the Indians, not 
even with their arrows of thin shell. Parts of the shaft 
still remain on some of them. When first discovered, the 
arrows were in a sort of quiver of bark, uhich fell in 
pieces when exposed to the air. 

*' The skull is much decayed ; but the teeth are sound, 
and apparently those of a young man. . The pelvis is 
much decayed, and the smaller bones of the lower ex- 
tremities are gone. The integuments of the right knee, 
for four or five inches above and below, are in good preser- 
vation, apparently the size and shape of life, although 
quite black. 

" Considerable flesh is still preserved on the hands and 
arms, but none on the shoulders and elbows. On the 
back, under the belt, and for two inches above and below, 
the skin and flesh are in good preservation, and have the 
appearance of being tanned. The chest is much com- 
pressed ; but the upper viscera are probably entire. The 
arms are bent up, not crossed; so that tlie hands turned 
inward touch the shoulders. The stature is about five 
and a half feet. Much of the exterior envelope was de- 
cayed, and the inner one appeared to be preserved only 
where it had been in contact with the brasa. 



" The preservation of this body may be the result of 
some embalming process; and this hypothesis is strength- 
ened by the fact that the skin has the appearance of hav- 
ing been tanned, or it may be the accidental result of the 
action of the salts of the brass during oxydation; and this 
latter hypothesis is supported by the fact that the skin and 
flesh have been preserved only where they have been in 
contact with, or quite near, the brass : or we may account 
for the preservation of the whole, by supposing the pre- 
sence of saltpetre in the soil at the time of the deposit. 
In either way, the preservation of the remains is fully ac- 
counted for, and upon known chemical principles. That 
the body was not one of the Indians, we think needs no 
argument. We rather incline to the belief that the re- 
mains belonged to one of the crew of a Phenician vessel. 

" The spot where they were found is on the sea-coast, 
and in the immediate neighborhood of Dighton Rock,'* 
famed for its hieroglyphic inscription, of which no suffi- 
cient explanation has yet been given, and near which rock 
brazen vessels have been found. If this latter hypothesis 
be adopted, a part of it is, that these mariners — the un- 
willing and unfortunate discoverers of a new world — lived 
some time after they landed ; and having written their 
names, perhaps their epitaphs, upon the rock at Dighton, 
died, and were buried by the natives." 

The following letters were written by an Indian sachem 
of the Penacook tribe to the governor of Massachusetts. 

May 15th, 1685. 

Honour governor my friend. 
You my friend I desire your worship and your power, 
because I hope you can do som great matters this one. I 
am poor and naked, and I have no men at my place be- 
cause I afraid allwayes Mohogs he will kill me every day 
and night. If your worship when please pray help me 
jou no let Mohogs kill me at my place at Malamake river 
called Panukkog and Nattukkog I will submit your wor 
ship and your power. And now I want powder and such 
alminishon shott and guns because I have forth at my horn 
and I plant theare. 




This all Indian hand, but pray you do consider your 
humble servant 

John Hogkins. 

(Signed by fourteen others.) 

May 15th 1685. 

Honour Mr. Governor, 
Now this day I com your house, I want se you, and I 
bring my hand at before you I want shake hand to you if 
your worship when please then you receve my hand, then 
shake your hand and my hand. You my friend because 
I remember at old time, when live my grant father and 
grant mother then Englishmen come this country then my 
grant father and Englishmen they make a good govenant, 
*hey friend allwayes, my grant-father leving at place called 
Malamake rever, other name chef Natukkog and Panuk- 
kog that one rever great many names, and I bring you this 
few skins at this first time I will give you my friend. This 
all Indian hand. 

John Hawkins, Sagamor 
(Signed by fourteen others.) 

Please your worship, 
I will intreat you matther you my friend, now this if 
my Indian he do you long pray you no put your law be- 
cause some my Indins fooU some men much love drunk 
then he no know what he do, may be he do mischif when 
he drunk if so pray you must let me know what he done 
because I will ponis him what he have done you, you my 
friend if you desire my business then sent me I will help 
you if I can. 

Mr. John Hogkins. 
Another from the same. 

Mr. Mason, 

Pray I want speake you a few words if your wor- 
ship when please because I come parfas (on purpose) I 
will speake this governor but he go away so he say at last 
night, and so far I understand this governor his power that 
vour power now, so he speake his own mouth. Pray if 



you take what I want pray com to me, because I want go 
horn this day. 

Your humble servant, 

JoNN HoGKiNS, Indian Sagmor. 

May 16th, 1685 

The Indians having done some mischief in New Eng- 
land in 1704, the inhabitants of Lancaster became alarmed, 
" and the alarm was the means of the untimely death of 
the Rev. Mr. Gardiner, their worthy pastor. Several of 
the inhabitants who belonged to the garrison were wearied 
by hard travelling the day before, in pursuit of the enemy. 
This c:iused this good man, out of pity and compassion, to 
watch that night him.seif : accordingly he went into the 
box, which lay over the flanker, where he staid till late in 
the night ; but being cold, (as was supposed,) he was 
coming down to warm himself, when one between sleeping 
and waking, or surprise i through excess of fear, fired upon 
*iim, as he was coming out of the watch-house, where no 
m.m could rationally expect the coming of an enemy. 

*' Mr, Gardiner, although he was shot through the back, 
came to the door and bade them open it, for he was wound- 
ed. No sooner did he enter, but he fainted away. Ashe 
came to himself, he asked who it was that shot him, and 
when they told him, he prayed to God to forgive him, and 
forgave him himself, believing that he did it not on pur- 
pose ; and with a composed frame of spirit, desired them 
that bewailed him not to weep, but pray for him and his 
flock. He comforted his sorrowful spouse, and expired 
within an hour." 

The father of Oliver Peabody, Vv'ho resided at Andover, 
Mass., " in one of his excursions into New Hampshire, met 
with an adventure which has connected his name with the 
geography of the country, and which, for that reason, as 
well as for its singularity, may perhaps with propriety be 
mentioned here. He was passing the night in the cabin 
of an Indian, situated on the side of a mountain, in the 
neighborhood of Saco River. The inmates of this rude 
dwelling were awakened in the course of the night by a 
loud noise, and had scarcely time to make their escape, 
before the hut was swept away by a torrent of water rush- 



ing impetuously down the hill. On reconnoitering the 
ground, they found that this torrent had burst out suddenly 
from a spot where there was no spring before. It has con- 
tinued flowing ever since, and forms the branch of the 
Sdco which bears the name of Peabody's River." 

*' The death of James Carr, of Pembroke, N. H., whn 
'.vas killed by the enemy early in 1748, was attended with 
a singular instance of canine attachment and fidelity. He, 
with two others, was ploughing on the west bank of the 
river, within the present township of Bow. Towards 
night, some Indians, who, concealed in a thicket of bush- 
es, had been watching them all day, rushed upon them ; 
his two companions were taken ; but in attempting to run 
to the river, Carr was shot, and fell dead on his back, with 
his arms somewhat extended. As the savages ran up to 
scalp him, his dog, a large and fierce animal, instantly at- 
tacked them, but was stunned by the blow of a tomahawk, 
and left for dead. The people in garrison at Pembroke 
heard the firing, but it being near night, did not venture on 
an immediate pursuit, from the apprehension of falling 
into an ambuscade. After the departure of the enemy the 
dog revived, guarded the corpse of his master through the 
night, and was found next morning with his nose laid in 
its open hand; nor would the faithful animal permit any 
one to remove or even touch the body, till after the use of 
much flattery and some force." 

As early as 1650, Rev. John Brock began to preach on 
the Isle of Shoals. The following story is related of him by 
Mather. *' Mr. Brock brought the people into nn agree- 
ment that, exclusive of the Lord's day, they would spend 
one day every month together in the worship of our Lord 
Jesus Christ. C)n a certain day, which by their agreement 
belonged unto the exercises of religion, the fishermen 
came to Mr. Brock, and asked him if they might put by 
their mcciing, and go a fishing, because they had lost many 
days ijy reason of foul weather. He, seeing that without 
his consent, they resolved upon doing what they had asked 
of him, replied, If you ivill go cavay, I say unto you^ 
cat'.h Jish, if you can ! But as for you that will tarry, 
and worship the Lord Jesus Christ this day, I will j^ray 



unto him for you, that you may take Jish till you are wea- 
ry. Thirty men went away from the meeting, and Jive 
tarried. The thirty which went away, with all their skill 
could catch but four fishes ; the five who tarried, went 
forth afterwards, and they took fve hundred. The fisher- 
men after this readily attended whatever meetings Mr. 
Brock appointed them." 

'* In the year 1766, a Mr. Page planted himself in Lan- 
caster, N. H. For several years after he came to this 
spot, he carried all his bread-corn to Charlestown, (one 
hundred and twenty-four miles,) to be ground. For a con- 
siderable time he lived with his family in absolute solitude. 
There was not a single road in the neighboring region. 
All his communication with the world was either through 
the wilderness, or down the channel of the Connecticut, 
and this he was obliged to enter below the fifteen mile 
falls, and at the distance of twenty miles from his house. 
When any member of his family was sick, he had neither 
physician nor nurse, except what the house itself con- 

" In February, 1717, occurred the greatest fall of snow 
recorded in the annals of New England — almost burying 
under the frozen mass the small log houses of the new 
plantations. So effectually were even the iriost travelled 
roads blocked, that the magistrates and ministers of Bos- 
ton, who had come out of the town on the first day of the 
storm, to attend the funeral of the Rev. Mr. Brattle, at 
Cambridge, were unable to return for some days. In some 
portion of the streets of Boston, the snow was six feet in 
depth, and on the thousand hills of New Hampshire it lay 
in immense bodies." 

The first newspaper published in New England appeared 
in Boston in 1704. It was printed on half a sheet of pot 

Rev. Samuel Moody, who was ordained in York, Me., 
in 1700, once preached a sermon based on the following 
sentiment : When you know not what to do, you must not 
do you knoic not what. 

*' Mr. Job Strong having accepted proposals of settle- 
ment in the ministry from a church in Portsmouth, N. H., 



invited Rev. Mr. Edwards, of Northampton, Mass., to 
preach the sermon at his ordination, which was appointed 
for the 28tli of June. Mary, tlie fourtli daughter of Mr, 
Edwards, then a young hidy of fifteen, went before lier fa- 
ther to Portsmouth, to visit some of tJie friends of the 
family in that place. From her I learned the following 
anecdote. — The Rev. Mr. Moody, of York, a gentleman 
of unquestioned talents and piety, but perfectly unique in. 
his manners, had agreed, in case of Mr. Edwards' failure, 
to be his substitute in preaching the sermon. On tlie 
jnorning of the appointed day, Mr. Edwards not having ar- 
rived, the council delayed the ordination as long as they 
well could, and then proceeded to the church, where Mr. 
Moody had been regularly appointed to make the intro- 
ductory prayer, wliich is the prayer immediately before the 
sermon. That gentleman, knowing that a numerous and 
highly re^jpectable audience had been drawn together by a 
strong desire to hear Mr. Edwards, rose up to pray under 
the not very pleasant impression that he nmst stand in his 
place, and offered a prayer which was wholly characteris- 
tic of himself, and in some degree, also, of the times in 
which he lived. In that part of it in which it was proper 
for him to allude to the exercises of the day, he besought 
the Lord that they might be suitably humbled under the 
frown of his providence in not being permitted to hear, 
on that occasion, a discourse, as they liad all fondly ex- 
pected, from * tiiat eminent servant of God, the Rev. Mr. 
Edwards, of Northampton ;' and proceeded to thank God 
for having raised him up to be such a burning and shining 
light, for his uncommon piety, for his great excellence as 
a preacher, for the remarkable success which had attended 
his ministry in other congregations as well as his own, for 
the superior talents and wisdom with which he was en- 
dowed as a writer, and for the great amount of good which 
his works had already done, and still promised to do, to 
the church and to the world. He then prayed that God 
would spare his life, and endow him with still higher gifts 
and graces, and render him still more eminent and useful 
than he had been, and concluded this part of his prayer by 
supplicating the divine blessing on the daughter of Mr. 
Edwards, (then in the house,) who, though a very amiable 


and worthy young lady, was still, as they had reason to 
believe, without the grace of God, and in an unconverted 
state ; that God would bring her to repentance, and for- 
give her sins, and not suffer the peculiar privileges which 
she enjoyed, to be the means of a more aggravated con- 
demnation. Mr. Edwards, who travelled on horseback, 
and had been unexpectedly detained on the road, arrived 
at the church a short time after the commencement of the 
exercises, and entered the door just after Mr. Moody be- 
gan his prayer. Being remarkably still in all his move- 
ments, and particularly in the house of God, he ascended 
the stairs, and entered the pulpit so silently, that Mr. Moo- 
dy did not hear him ; and of course was necessitated, be- 
fore a very numerous audience, to listen to the very high 
character given of riimself by Mr. Moody. As soon as 
the prayer was closed, Mr. Moody turned round and saw 
Mr. Edwards behind him ; and, without leaving his place, 
gave him his right hand, and addressed him as follows : 
' Brother Edwards, we are ail of us much rejoiced to see 
you here to-day, and nobody, probably, as much so as my- 
self ; but I wish that you might have got in a little sooner^ 
or a little later, or else that I might have heard you when 
you came in, and known that you were here. I didn't in- 
tend to flatter you to your face ; but there's one thing I'll 
tell you : they say that your wife is a going to heaven by a 
shorter road than yourself.' Mr. Edwards bowed, and 
after reading the psalm, went on with the sermon." — Ed" 
wards' Works, { DwighVs edition,) p. 283. 

The two following incidents were communicated by the 
Rev. Jotham Sewall, of Chesterville, Me. As they were 
received too late to be inserted in the fifth chapter, they 
are placed here. One similar to the last of these incidents, 
has indeed been already cited ; but as this contains several 
interesting particulars, not found in that it is here inserted 

'* In the year 1745, an armament was fitted out from 
Boston, as the centre of the movement, against Louisburg, 
a fortified place on the island of Cape Breton, made so 
strong by the French that it was called the American 
Gibraltar, From that place the French vexed the fisheries 



of our fathers, and put them to trouble, so that they de- 
teriniiied to send an expedition against it, and take it, if pos- 
sible. Divine Providence seemed to favor the enterpr se. 
The winter so broke up in January that the people ploughed 
their ground, and got things in such readiness that the 
women and young people could finish their planting after 
the men were gone to Cape Breton. There were some 
British ships of war on the West India coast, that wore 
ordered to ascertain if any service was needed in ISevV 
England. They came on in season to convoy the trans- 
ports, with soldiers and provisions, on the afore-mentioned 
expedition. They landed at Cape Breton, April 3Cth, 
1745. On their approach the French evacuated a redoubt, 
and fied to the city of Louisburg. The place was be 
sieged from that time till the 17th of June, when it was 
taken. Our troops had no tents or barracks, — only bark 
cauips. There was no rain of any consequence during 
the siege; but the next day after the city was taken, a 
rain began which lasted ten days! It was thought if it 
had come on before, in such a manner, it would have 
raised the siege. 

*' Rev. Samuel Moody, of York, Me., was the chaplain 
in that expedition. His son Joseph supplied his place in 
York while he was gone. They frequently heard from 
Louisburg that the place was not taken, and appointed a 
day of fasting and prayer in York. Neighboring minis- 
ters came and assisted. Joseph Moody offered one of the 
prayers, and was quite lengthy. He first went on a long 
time, using all the arguments he could think of, that the 
Lord would prosper the enterprise; then turned his pray- 
er into thanksgiving that the place was given up — it was 
ours — and praised God a long time for such unmerited 
mercy. He closed by confessing that we were not better 
than those who possessed the land before us, and that it 
would be righteous if the land should spue out its inhabi- 
tants a second time. When the army got back from Cape 
Breton, and compared dates, it was found that on the very 
day of the fast the city was taken, and the capitulation 
closed while he was praying. W^hen the peace was con- 
cluded between France and England, about two years 
after, Louisburg was ceded back to France, — so the land 



spued out its inhabitants a second time, according to Mr 
Moody's prayer. 

" In 1740, the next year after the capitulation of the city, 
a fleet and army was fitted out in France to take vengeance 
on the Colonies for their daring enterprise; and so confi- 
dent were the French of success, that the admiral bore a 
broom at his mast-head, intending to sicecp all biforr, him ! 
England had enough to do that year to quell the Scotch 
rebellion, so that no help could be expected from that 
quarter. The expedition was heard of in this country 
some time before it arrived, and the people were panic 
struck ; for it was said that the armament consisted of 
eight thousand troops, and arms for four thousand Indians. 
What could our weak-handed colonists do against such an 
armed force ? But they betook themselves to fasting and 
prayer, and cried to Heaven for help. On one of those 
days, Father Moody, (who went chaplain the year before) 
in praying against that fleet, made use of the scripture ex- 
pressions employed against Sennacherib, ' Put a hook in 
his nose, and a bridle in his lips — turn him back again by 
the way that he came, that he shall not shoot an arrow 
here, nor cast up a bank, or a trench ; but by the way that 
he came, cause him to return.' By and by, the old gentle- 
man waxed warm, raised his hands and his voice, and 
cried out, ' Good Lord, if there is no other way of defeat- 
ing the enterprise, send a storm upon them, and sink them 
in the deep.' It was afterwards ascertained that not far 
from that time a tremendous tempest burst upon that fleet, 
and scattered and foundered numbers of them. A rem- 
nant of them got into Chebucto, (the Indian name for 
the harbor of Halifax.) The commander-in-chief was so 
disheartened, supposing all the rest were lost, that he put 
an end to his own life. The second in command did the 
same. The third in comtnand was not competent to so 
great an undertaking. A mortal sickness prevailed among 
the troops, and a great number of them laid their bones 
in Chebucto. They finally packed up all, and went back 
to France v>?ithout striking a blow ! * Perhaps,' says a 
historian, ' never was an enterprise more signally de- 
feated, without human aid, than that was.'" — I have 
written too hastily," adds the venerable writer, " by 



larap-lig] t, at the age of eighty-one, for such a commu- 

"New Hampshire," says Bacon, "less favored in its 
origin than the other New England colonies, was in 1684 
subject to a royal governor, a creature of King James II., 
practising* in the four towns of New Hampshire, the same 
violations of right and liberty, which his master was prac- 
tising on a grander scale in England. To such a governor 
the pastor of Portsmouth, Rev. .Joshua Moody, had become 
greatly obnoxious, by the fearless freedom of his preach- 
ing, and by his resoluteness in maintaining a strictly con- 
gregational church discipline. A member of his church 
was strongly suspected of having taken a false oath, in a 
matter relating to the seizure and escape of a vessel. The 
man thus charged witli perjury was able, in some way, to 
pncify the governor and collector; but in the church the 
supposed offence was made a subject of investigation. 
Mr. Moody, as pastor, requested of Cranfield, the governor, 
copies of the evidence which had been taken in the cnse 
by the government. The governor not only refused this 
request, but declared that the man, having been forgiven 
by him, should not be called to account by any body else, 
and threatened the pastor with vengeance if he dared to 
proceed in the matter. But Mr. Moody did not believe 
tliat the right of a christian church to inspect the conduct 
of its own members, or the duty of a church to execute 
discipline upon offenders, depended on the will of governors 
or kings ; and to him the wrath of Cranfield was a sniall 
matter in comparison with the reproaches of his own con- 
science or the dis{)leasure of God. Having consulted his 
church, he preached a sermon on the sin of perjury, and 
then the offender was tried, found guilty, and at last, by 
God's blessing upon the ordinance of church discipline, 
brought to repentance and a public confession. The gov- 
ernor, indignant at this manly proceeding, had yet no way 
to execute his threat of vengeance, but by some indirect 
method. He accordingly made an order that all the 
ministers within the province should admit all persons of 
suitable age, and not vicious in their lives, to the Lord's 
supper, and their children to baptism, and that if any 
person should desire to have these sacraments administered 



according to the liturgy of the Churcli of England, his 
desire should be complied with. The minister who should 
refuse obedience to this order was to incur the same penal- 
ties as if he were in England, and a minister there of the 
established church. Cranfield's next step was, without 
any loss of time, to send a written message to Mr. Moody, 
by the hands of the sheriff, signifying that he and two of 
his friends intended to partake of the Lord's supper the 
next Sunday, and requiring that it be administered to 
them according to the liturgy. To this demand Mr. 
Moody returned the prompt denial which was expected; 
and the consequence was, that for the double otTence of 
refusing to conform to the order of the liturgy, and of 
refusing to profane the Lord's supper by administering it 
to such men as Cranfield and his minions, he was prose- 
cuted, convicted, and imprisoned. For thirteen weeks he 
remained in close confinement; and lie was then released 
oidy under a strict charge to preach no more in that pro- 
vince, and a threat of further imprisonment if he should." 

Mather says, that a person who lived with Rev. Mr. 
Brock, (minister on the Isles of Shoals) at tl>e time Mr. 
Moody was in prison, observed one morning that he ap- 
peared very sorrowful. He asked him the reason of it. 
Mr. Brock replied, " I am very much troubled for my dear 
brotiier Moody, who is imprisoned by Cranfield ; but I 
will this day seek to the Lord on his behalf, and I believe 
my God will hear me." On the very same day, Mr. Moody, 
by a kind interposition of Providence, was delivered out 
of his imprisonment. 

Li the summer of 1676, there was a great drought in 
New England, which was extremely severe at Mohegan, 
and in the neighboring country. In August, the corn 
dried up ; the fruit and leaves fell off as in autumn, and 
some trees appeared to be dead. The Indians came from 
Mohegan to Norwich, and lamented that they had no rain, 
and that their powows could get none in their way of 
worship ; they desired Mr. Fitch, the minister of Norwich, 
that he would seek to God for rain. He appointed a fast 
day for that purpose. The day proved clear, but at sun- 
set, at the close of service, some clouds arose. The next 



day was cloudy. Uncas went to the house of Mr. Fitch, 
with many Indians, and lamented the great want of rain. 
' If God shall send you rain,' said Mr. Fitch, ' will you 
not attribute it to yourpowows?' He answered, ' No ; 
for we have done our utmost, but all in vain.' ' If you 
will declare it before all these Indians,' replied the minis- 
ter, 'you shall see what God will do for us;' remarking 
at the same time, their repeated and unfailing reception 
of rain in answer to fasting and prayer. Uncas then 
' made a great speech ' to the Indians, confessing that if 
God should then send rain, it could not be ascribed to 
their powovving, btit must be acknowledged to be an 
answer to the Englishman's prayer. On that very day 
the clouds became more extended, and the day following 
there was such a copious rain, that their river rose more 
than two feet in height." 

Bacon gives the following description of the first house 
erected for public worship in New Haven, and of the cir- 
cumstances under which the people assembled on the 
sabbath : , 

"The first house for public worship erected in New 
England was commenced in 1639. The order that such 
a house should be built forthwith, was passed in the town 
meeting on the 25th of November. The cost of the build- 
ing was to be £5QQ, and to raise that sum, a tax of 1 1-2 
per cent, was levied, all to be paid before the following 
May. The house was fifty feet square. It had a tower, 
surmounted with a turret. 

" The internal arrangements of the house, so far as a 
knowledge of them can be gathered from tlie records, or 
inferred from what we know of the primitive meeting- 
houses, are easily described. Immediately before the 
pulpit, and facing the congregation, was an elevated seat 
for the ruling elder; and before that, somewhat lower, 
was a seat for the deacons, behind the communion table. 
On the floor of the house there were neither pews nor 
slips, but plain seats. On each side of what we may call 
the centre aisle, were nine, of sufficient length to accom- 
modate five or six persons. On each side of the pulpit, at 
the end, were five cross seats, and another shorter than 



the five. Along each wall of the house, between the cross 
seats and the side door, were four seats, and beyond the 
side door, six. The men and women were seated sepa- 
rately, on opposite sides of the house, and every one, 
according to his office or his age, or his rank in society, 
h ul his place assigned by a committee appointed for that 
purpose. The children and young people, at the first 
seating, seem to have been left to find their own places, 
away from their parents, in that part of the house which 
was not occupied with seats prepared at the town's expense. 
If this was the case, it cannot be wondered at, that within 
five or six years after the first seating, and so on, as long 
as the practice continued, the regulation of the boys in 
the meeting-house, and the ways and means of suppressing 
disorders among them, were frequent subjects of discussion 
and enactment in the town meetings. A congregation 
ought always to present itself in the house of God by 
families. The separating of the heads of the family from 
each other, and the children from both, in the house of 
God, was a serious and mischievous mistake. 

In such a temple, the fathers of New Haven main- 
tained the worship and ordinances of God for about thirty 
years. During all that time, they never met for worship, 
even in the most tranquil times, without a complete mili- 
tviry guard. As early as 1G40, we find upon the records 
an order, ' that every man that is appointed to watch, whe- 
ther masters or servants, shall come every Lord's day to 
the meeting completely armed ; and all others, also, are to 
bring their swords; no man exempted save Mr. Eaton, 
our pastor, Mr. James, Mr. Samuel Eaton, and the two 
deacons.' And from time to time, the number of men 
that were to bear arms on the sabbath days, and other days 
of public assembly, the time at which they should appear 
at the meeting-house, and the places which they shoidd 
occupy, were made the subjects of particular regulation. 
Seats were placed on each side of the front door, for the 
soldiers. A sentinel was stationed in the turret. Armed 
watchmen paced the streets, while the people were assem- 
bled for worship. And whenever rumors came of conspi- 
racies among the Indians at a distance, or there seemed to 
be any special occasion of alarm, the sabbath guards and 



sentries at once became more vigilant, and the house of 
God bristled with augmented preparations for defence. 
For example, in March, 1653, there being apprehensions 
of an Indian invasion, and a town meeting being held, that 
nothing needful in such circumstances might be neglected, 
we find it ordered, among other particulars, 'that the door 
of the meeting-house, next the soldiers' seat, be kept clear 
from women and children sitting there; that if there be 
occasion for the soldiers to go suddenly forth, they may 
have a free passage.' Of the six pieces of artillery be- 
longing to the town, three were stationed always by tlie 
water side, and three by the meeting-house. Twice before 
each assembly, the drum was beaten in the turret, and 
along the principal streets; and when the congregation 
came together, it presented the appearance of an assembly 
in a garrison." 

With regard to their method of conducting the services 
of the sanctuary, the same writer says, "Their mode of 
conducting public worship was not materially unlike our 
method at this day. Every sabbath they came together at 
the beat of drum, about nine o'clock, or before. The pastor 
began with solemn prayer, continuing about a quarter of 
an hour. The teacher then read and expounded a chapter. 
Then a psalm was sung, the lines being given out by the 
ruling elder. After that, the pastor delivered his sermon, 
not written out In full, but from notes enlarged upon m 
speaking. In this church, at an early period, it was cus- 
tomary for the congregation to rise while the preacher 
read his text. This was a token of reverence for the word 
of God. After the sermon, the teacher concluded with 
prayer and a blessing. 

" Once a month, as now, the Lord's supper was cele- 
brated at the close of the morning service, in precisely 
the same forms which we observe, — the pastor, teacher, 
and ruliuir elder sittincr together at the communion table. 
One of the ministers performed the first part of the ser- 
vice, and the other the last — the order in which they offi- 
ciated being reversed ;.t each communion. 

" The assembly convened again for the exercises of 
the afternoon at about two o'clock ; and the pastor having 
commenced as in the morning with prayer, and a psalm 



having been sung as before, another prayer was oHTered by 
the teacher, who then preached, as the pastor did in tlio 
morning, and prayed again. 

" Then, if there was any occasion, baptism was udwiin- 
istered by eitlier pastor or teacher; the oihciatiiig minister 
commonly accompanying the ordinance with exhortation 
to the church and to the parents. 

" Next in the order of services was the contribution, 
made every Lord's day to the treasury of the church 
One of the deacons, rising in his pKice, said, ' Brethren 
of the congregation, now there is time left for contribu- 
tion ; wherefore as God h.ath prospered you, so offer freely.' 
The ministers, whenever there was any extraordinary occa- 
sion, were wont to accompany the call with some earnest 
exhortation out of the scriptures, urging to liberality. 
The contribution was received, not by passing a box from 
seat to seat, but first the magistrates and principal gentle- 
men, then the elders, and then the congregation generally, 
came up to the deacons' seat by one way, and returned 
orderly to their own seats by another way. Each indi- 
vidual contributed either money, or a written promise to 
pay some certain amount, or any thing else that was con- 
venient and proper. Money and subscriptions were placed 
in the contribution box, — other offerings were laid down 
before the deacons. It may be that some of the ancient 
silver cups, now used in our monthly communion, were 
given in this way. 

*' After the contribution, the assembly being not yet 
dismissed, if there were any members to be admitted into 
the church, or any to be propounded for admission, or if 
there were cases of offence and discipline to be acted upon 
by the church, such things were attended to ; and then 
another psalm was sana, if the day w^as not too far spent, 
and the pastor closed the services with prayer and a 

In the year 16G2," says Neal, " the spirit of the church 
ran very high in England against the Presbyterians and 
Independents ; the bishops would come to no terms with 
them, but by an act of uniformity which took place on St. 
Bartholomew's day, about- two thousand ministers were 
turned out of their benefices without the least provision 


for themselves or families ; they were afterwards banished 
five miles out of every corporation in England, and seve 
ral at last died in prisorj for exercising their ministry in 
private, contrary to law; hut some of them, being willing 
to get out of the storm, removed to New England. Among 
these, the most considerable were, 

Rev, James Allen, who settled at Boston, 

Rev. John Baily, " Watertown, 

Rev. Mr. Barnet, New London, 

Rev. James Brown, *' Swanzey, 

Rev. Thomas Gilbert, *' Topsfieid, 

Rev. Thomas Baily, " Watertown, 

Rev. James Keith, " Bridgewater, 

Rev. Samuel Lee, " Bristol, 

Rev. Charles Morton, *' Charlestown, 

Rev. Charles Nicolet, " Salem, 

Rev. John Oxenbridge, *' Boston, 

Rev. Thomas Thornton, " Yarmouth, 

Rev. Thomas Walley, " Barnstable, 

Rev. William Woodroffe, " Lancaster, 

who all spent tlie remainder of their lives in the country, 
except one or two, who returned to England. 

" We might add to these the learned Dr. John Owen, 
who had been dean of Christ Church, and vice-chan- 
cellor of the university of Oxford, under the protector- 
ship of Cromwell. He was universally respected as a gen- 
tleman, a scholar, and a divine, and was better versed in 
oriental and Jewish learning than most of his age; after 
the Bartholomew-act took place, whereby he was silenced 
with the rest of his brethren, he was invited to the chair 
of professor of divinity in one of the universities of Hol- 
land, but refused it. He was afterwards invited to the 
presidency of Harvard College, in New England, and was 
shipping his effecls for that country, when he was forbid- 
den to leave the kingdom, by express orders from King 
Charles himself" 

An accident occurred at New Haven, in the year 16G5, 
which speaks loudly in praise of that colony. It is thus 
related by Bacon. 



** In the year 16G5, on tlie day of the anniversary 
thanksgiving, a contribution was ' given in' for ' the saints 
tliat were in want in England.' This was at the time when, 
in that country, so many ministers, ejected from their phi- 
ces of settlement, were, by a succession of enactments, 
studiously cut oft" from all means of obtaining bread for 
themselves, and their wives and children. The contribu- 
tion was made, as almost all payments of debts or of ta.xes 
were made at that period, in grain and other commodities; 
there being no money in circulation, and no banks by 
which credit could be converted into currency. It was 
paid over to the deacons in the February following. We, 
to whom it is so easy, in the present state of commerce, to 
remit the value of any contribution to almost any part of 
the world, cannot easily imagine the circuitous process by 
which that contribution reacjied the ' poor saints' whom it 
was intended to relieve. By the deacoiig the articles con- 
tributed were probably first exchanged, to some extent, for 
other commodities more suitable for exportation. Then 
the amount was sent to Barbadoes, with which island the 
merchants of this place had intercourse, and was exchanged 
for sugars, which were thence sent to England, to the care 
of four individuals, two of whom were Mr. Ilooke and 
Mr. Newman, the former teacher and ruling elder of the 
church in New Haven. In 1671, Mr. Hooke, in a letter 
to the church, said, * Mr. Caryl, Mr. Barker, Mr. Newman, 
and myself, have received sugars from Barbadoes to the 
value of about ^99, and have disposed of it to several 
poor ministers and ministers' widows. And this fruit of 
your bounty is very thankfully received and acknowledged 
by us. And the good ' Lord make all grace to abound to- 
wards you, &c. — 2 Cor. ix. 8 — 12.' " 

Coj:)!/ of a letter to William Goffe, one of the RngicideSy 
from his Wife, in 1662. 
My dearest Heart, 

I have been exceedingly refreshed with 
your choice and precious letter of May 29th, 1662. Those 
scriptures you mention, through mercy, with many others, 
are a great support and comfort to me in this day of my 
great affliction. Through grace I do experience the Lord's 



presence, in supporting and providing for me and mine, in 
this evil day. The preservation of yourself and my dear 
father, next to the light of God's countenance, is the 
choicest mercy that I enjoy. For to hear of your welfare, 
gives, as it were, new life to me. Oh ! what am I, poor 
worm, that tht- great God of heaven and earth should 
continue such mercies to me and mine, as I at this day 
enjoy ! Many others have lost their dear yoke-fellows, 'and 
are out of all hopes to see them in this life; but that is not 
my condition, as yet, blessed be his holy name, for he hath 
made me hope in his word, Zech. x. 9th ; And I will 
sow them amon^ the people, and they shall remember mc in 
far countries, and they shall live with their children, and 
turn again. Persecution begins to be high here; the 
bishops' courts are up as high as ever. But we have tlie 
promises of a faithful God to live upon, and he hath said, 
To you it is given not only to believe, but to suffer. He hath 
also promised to lay no more upon his poor people than he 
will give strength to bear. O my heart ! I do, with my 
whole soul bless the Lord for his unspeakable goodness to 
you and your dear friend, in Uiat he hath been pleased to 
appear so eminently for your preservation. He brings to 
the grave, and raises up again. O, that the daily experi- 
ence we have of his goodness may make us trust him for 
the future. We have seen that word in the 5th of Job, in 
some measure made good unto you. Read the 12th verse, 
from the 11th to the end of the chapter; there is much 
comfort to those in our condition ; as also in Psalm 91st. 
O my dear, let us henceforth make the Lord our refuge 
and our trust, and then he shall cover thee with his fea- 
thers, and be a sanctuary to thee, wheresoever he shall 
cast thee. I mention these scriptures because I have 
found comfort in them, and I hope thou wilt do so too. I 
shall now give you an account of your family as far as I 
dare. Through mercy I and your little ones are in rea 
sonable health, only Betty and Nan are weakly, and I fear 
will be lame a little. The others are very lusty. I am 
yet with my aunt, but how soon she may be forced to give 
up housekeeping, I know not, (for she is warned by the 
bishops' court,) and we shall be dispersed ; but I hope the 
Lord will provide for us as he hath done hitherto. O, my 



dear, let our trust be in the Lord alone. I do heartily wish 
myself with thee, but that I fear it may be a means to dis- 
cover thee, as it was to , and therefore I shall forbear 

attempting any such thing for the present, hoping tliat the 
Lord will, in his own time, return thee to us again ; for 
he hath the hearts of all in his hands, and can change 
them in a moment. I rejoice to hear that you are so will- 
ing to be at the Lord's disposal ; indeed, we are not our 
own, for we are bought with a price, with the precious 
blood of the Lord Jesus ; and therefore let us comfort our- ^ 
.selves with this, though we should never meet in this world 
again, yet I hope, through grace, w^e shall meet in heaven, 
and so ever be with the Lord, and it will not be in the 
power of men to part us. My dear, I knov/ you are con- 
fident of my affection, yet, give me leave to tell thee, thou 
art as dear to me as a husband can be to a wife, and if I 
knew anything I could do to make thee happy, I should do 
it, if the Lord would permit, though to the loss of niy life. 
As for news, I shall forbear writing any, for I know not 
much, and you may hear it from better hands. My dear, 
my aunt, and many others are very kind to me, so that 
through mercy I have no want of food and raiment, though 
in a mean way. The Lord is pleased to suit my mind to 
ray condition, and to give me strength, in some measure, 
to take pains with my children, which I look upon as a 
great mercy. I know not whether I may have another 
opportunity to send to thee this season or not, which makes 
me the longer now ; for I shall not send but by those I 
pledge to be faithful, and I being in the country, I may not 
hear of every opportunity ; and though it is an unspeakable 
comfort for me to hear of thy welfare, yet I earnestly beg 
of the-e not to send too often for fear of the worst ; for 
they are very vigilant here to find out persons. But this is 
my comfort, that it is not in the power of men to act their 
own will. And now, my dear, with a thousand tears, I 
take my leave of thee, and recommend thee to the great 
Keeper of Israel, who neither slumbers nor sleeps, who, I 
hope, will keep thee, and my dear friend with thee, from all 
your enemies, both spiritual and temporal, and in his own 
time return you with safety to your family. Which is the 
daily prayer of your affectionate and obedient wife tdl 



Many friends here desire to be remembered to you. 
It will not be convenient to nnme them. I am sure you 
have a stock of prayers j^oing up for you here, which you 
and I reap the beneht of My humble duty presented to 
you know who. 

" Frederick, and the rest of thy dear babes that can 
speak, present tlieir humble duty to thee, talk much of 
thee, and long to see thee. 

" My humble duty to my dear father, and tell him I 
pray for him with my whole heart; but I am so bad a 
scribe I dare not write to him. Pray be private and care- 
ful who you trust." 

*'Goffe," says Bacon, ''was the son-in-law of Whalley, 
and having distinguished himself in the army, in which he 
rose to the rank of major-general, he became a member 
of Cromwell's house of lords, and was one of the princi- 
pal supporters of the Cromwell dynasty. So eminent was 
he, that it was thought by some that he might, in time, 
become the head of the empire." 

" Whalley was closely connected with Cromwell by 
kindred as well as by the tie of a common political inte- 
rest. He was the colonel of that regiment of cavalry in the 
parliament's army in which Richard Baxter was chaplain, 
and between him and the author of the Saint's Rest there 
was an intimate friendship, not only wliile Baxter contin- 
ued in the army, but afterwards, when Whalley had be- 
come, under the protectorate of his cousin Cromwell, one 
of the chief officers of the empire. To him, in token of 
their continued friendship, Baxter dedicated one of his 
works, in an epistle which is among the most beautiful 
examples of that kind of composition. Alluding to the 
honors which then clustered upon the head of the veteran* 
warrior, he said, ' Think not that your greatest trials are 
now over. Prosperity hath its peculiar temptations, by 
which it hath foiled many that stood unshaken in the 
storms of adversity. The tempter who hath had you on 
the waves, will now assault you in the calm, and hath his 
last gnme to play on the mountain, till nature cause you to 
descend. Stand this charge, and you win the day.' " 

'* How beautiful the prediction, but how short-sighted !" 



Sir Edmund Andross, being appointed the first gover- 
nor-general over New England, arrived in Boston in De- 
cember, 163G, From this place he wrote to the colony of 
Connecticut to resign their charter, but without success. 
' The Assembly met, as usual, in October, and the gov- 
ernment continued according to charter until the last of 
the month. About this time. Sir Edmund, with his suite, 
and more than sixty regular troops, came to Hartford 
when the Assembly were sitting, and demanded the clur- 
ter, and declared the government under it to be dissolved. 
The Assembly were extremely reluctant and slow with 
respect to any resolve to surrender the charter, or with 
respect to any motion to bring it forth. The tradition is, 
that Gov. Treat strongly represented the great expense 
and hardships of the colonists in planting the country, 
the blood and treasure which they had expended in de- 
fending it, both against the savages and foreigners, to u'hat 
hardships he himself had been exposed for that purpose, 
and that it was like giving up his life, now to surrender 
the patent and privileges so dearly bought, and so long en- 
joyed. The important aiTair was debated and kept in sus- 
pense until the evening, when the charter was brought and 
laid upon the table where the Assembly were sitting. By 
this time, great numbers of people were assembled, and 
men sufficiently bold to enterprise whatever might be 
necessary or expedient. The lights were instantly extin- 
guished, and one Capt. Wadsworth, of Hartford, in the 
most silent and secret manner, carried off the charter, and 
secreted it in a large hollow tree, fronting the house of 
Hon. Samuel Wyllys, then one of the magistrates of the 
colony. The people all appeared peaceable and orderly. 
The candles v/ere officiously relighted, but the patent was 
gone, and no discovery could be made of it, or of the per- 
son who carried it away.' " 

*' The venerable tree, which concealed the charter of 
the rights of Connecticut, stands at the foot of Wyllys' 
hill. The first inhabitant of that name found it standing 
in the height of its glory. Age seems to have curtailed 
its branches ; yet it is not exceeded in the height of its 
coloring or richness of its foliage. The trunk measures 
twenty-one feet in circumference, and nearly seven in 




diameter. The cavity, wliicb was the asylum of the cliar- 
ter, was near the roots, and Jarge enough to admit a ciiiJd. 
Williin the space of eight years the cavity has closed, as 
if it had fultilied the divine purpose for which it had been 

" The Rev. Mr. Bulkley, first minister of Colchester, 
Con., was famous in his day as a casuist and sage counsel- 
lor. A church in his neighborhood had fallen into unhap- 
py divisions and contentions, which they were unable to 
adjust among themselves. They deputed one of tlieir 
number to the venerable Bulkley for his services, with a 
request that he would send it to them in writing. The 
matters were taken into serious consideration, and the ad- 
vice with much deliberation connnitied to writing. It so 
happened that Mr. Bulkley had a farm in the extreme part 
of the town, upon which he intrusted a tenant ; in su])er- 
scribing two letters, the one for the cliurch was directed 
to the tenant, and the one intended for the tenant to tlie 
church. The church was convened to hear the advice 
which was to settle all their disputes. The moderator 
read as follows : Yoa will see to the repair of the ftnccs^ 
that th y be built high and strong, and you ivill take special 
care of the old black bull. This mystical advice puzzled 
the church at first ; but an interpreter among the more 
discerning ones was soon found, who said. Brethren, this 
is the very advice we most need; the direction to repair 
the fences, is to admonish us to take good heed in the ad- 
mission and government of our members ; we must guard 
the church by our Master's laws, and keep out strange 
cattle from the fold. And we must in a particular manner 
set a w^atcliful guard over the Devil, the old black bull, 
who has done so much hurt of late. All perceived the 
wisdom and fitness of Mr. Bulkley's advice, and resolved 
to be governed by it. The consequence was, all the ani- 
mosities subsided, and harmony was restored to the long- 
atilicted church. What the subject of tlie letter sent to 
the tenant was, and what good effect it had upon him, the 
story does not tell." 

Believing that a few anecdotes respecting the wild 
beasts which annoyed the early settlers of New England 



would be interesting to the reader, we give the follow- 
ing :— 

Dr. Long, in his Historical Sketches of Warner, N. JI., 
says, "It may not be uninteresting to relate a rencounter 
Thomas Annis, Esq., had with a bear. One day, late in 
M;nxh, the snow being deep, he mounted his snow-shoes, 
and in company with Abner Watkins, and their dogs, set 
off towards the Mink Hills for a hunt, armed with an axe 
and gun. In the neighborhood of the hills, the dogs 
were perceived to be very much excited with something 
hi a ledge of rocks. Annis left his companion, Watkins, 
and ascended a crag twenty or thirty feet to where the 
dogs were, having no other weapon with him but his staff, 
which was pointed with iron. After exploring a liitie, he 
concluded there was no game there of more consequence 
than a hedgehog, or some other small animal, and being 
fatigued, laid down on the snow on his back to rest, re- 
clining his head upon the place he had been examining; 
he had but just laid down when he heard a snulRng under 
his ear ; he started up, and turning round, found an old 
bear pressing her head up througli the old leaves and snow 
which tilled the mouth of her den; he thrust his spear- 
pointed staff at the bear's brisket, and thus held the bear, 
which was pressing towards him, at his staff's length dis- 
tance, and called to his companion, Vv^atkins, to come up 
with the axe and kill the bear, which, after some little 
time, was effected. After the action was over, Annis 
complained of Watkins' dilatoriness, but Watkins excused 
himself by saying that he could not get his gun off; that 
he had snapped, snapped, snapped, several times. ' Where 
did you take sight?' said Annis, knowing that he was 
directly between him and the bear. ' I took sight between 
your legs,' said Watkins. 

" An affecting instance of a child falling a prey to a 
bear," says Belknap, ''happened at Moultonborough, 
N. H., in the month of August, 1784. A boy of eight 
years old, son of Mr. Leach, was sent to a pasture, to- 
wards the close of the day, to put out a horse, and bring 
home the cows. His father, being in a neighboring field, 
heard a cry of distress, and running to the fence, saw his 
child lying on the ground, and a bear standing by him. 



He seized a stake and crept along, with a view to get be- 
tween the bear and the child. The bear took the child 
by the throat, and drew him into the bushes. The fatlier 
pursued till he came up, and aiming a stroke at the bear, 
the stake broke in his hand, and the bear, leaving his prey, 
turned upon the parent, who, in the anguish of his soul, 
was obliged to retreat, and call for help. Before any suffi- 
cient help could be obtained, the night was so far ad- 
vanced that a search was impracticable. The night was 
passed by the family in the utmost distress. The neigh- 
bors assembled, and at break of day renewed the pursuit. 
The child's hat and the bridle, which he had dropped, 
were found, and they tracked liis blood about forty rods, 
when they discovered the mangled corpse. The throat 
was torn, and one thigh devoured. Whilst they were 
standing around the body, the bear rose from behind a 
log. Three guns were fired at him at the same instant, 
which despatched him, and afire was immediately kindled, 
in which he was consumed. This was a male bear about 
three years old." 

" In the year 1731, a man being at work in a meadow, 
at a new plantation on Suncook River, his son, being 
about eight years old, was sent to call him home to dinner. 
On their return, there being two paths through the woods, 
the son going first, took one, and the father the other. At 
dinner, the child was missing, and after waiting some 
time, the father went to seek him in the path which it was 
supposed he had taken. To his inexpressible surprise, a 
bear started up from among the bushes, with the bleeding 
corpse in his teeth." 

*' Andrew Beckwith," says Rev. Mr. Arnold, " came 
from Lyme, Con. to this town, (Alstead, N. H.) in 1767. 
A remarkable providence interposed for the preservation 
of his son Richard. When an infant, his mother v/ent to 
the woods to gather a few berries. She placed her little 
child on the ground ; and while she wandered some dis- 
tance, and was about returning, she saw a huge bear come 
up to the tender babe. And, O ! it is hardly possible to 
conceive the throbbing of a fond mother's heart, while 
she beheld the voracious animal smelling and passing 
around her darling child. What could be done? But 

CiiAV. XIII.] 



while she stood in awful suspense, petrified with fear and 
doubt, to her exceeding joy the bear retired, and left the 
boy unhurt and unconscious of his danger. He is now 
(1826) living in town, and is a deacon in the first Congre- 
gational church." 

" The following account of the industry of a bear (copied 
from the Connecticut Journal of July 5, 1766) was taken 
from a man who was an active and eye witness to part of 
the scene, which happened at Bethany. 

He says that on the morning of the 8th of April ( 1766) 
last, his brother missed a three-weeks-old calf, which was 
housed the night before in a small building. It appeared 
that the bear tried to get under the sill of the door by 
removing two or three bushels of dirt, but some stones 
hindered his passage that way ; upon this disappointment 
he changed his measures, and worked against the door 
with so much strength that he drew six tenpenny nails out 
of the wooden hinges and catch of the latch. It is sup- 
posed he did this, by putting his paws under the door, and 
prying and pushing, by which means he got in, and carried 
off the best of two calves, a great part of which was found 
in a swamp about half a mile from the house. It was 
observed that the track of the bear was plain, but no ap- 
pearance of his dragging the calf along the ground, so 
that he must have carried it on his back. While people 
were looking for the calf, a favorite old dog, called Beaver, 
suddenly left his master, and returned wounded — supposed 
in an engagement with the bear. On a morning about a 
fortnight afterwards, the bear was discovered eating a lamb 
about a mile and a half from the other place. After he 
was scared from thence by dogs, it is said he was three 
times driven from a Hock of sheep about four miles from 
the last place. He then destroyed a hive of bees at an- 
other place. About four days after this performance, he 
returned to the dwelling-house near which he seized the 
calf, and at night unnailed the wooden bars which defend- 
ed the window of a milk room, got in, and feasted on a 
tray of milk, turned another over and spilt it, then took 
up a punch bowl, containing about three quarts of cream, 
carefully carried it through the window, nearly fifteen feet 
from the house, without spilling ; and after he had drank 


or lapped it, genteelly turned the bowl bottom upwards, as 
if he had drank a dish of tea for breakfast, 'and left it 
whole. The noise occasioned by the bear's returning out 
of the window, (which, to be sure, must have been greater 
than tliat occasioned by getting in,) awoke the man and 
his wife, who got up to discover the cause. They soon 
found where the robber got in ; and both together putting 
their heads out a window under which t!ie bear happened 
to be, he rose up like a lion rampant, and struck at them 
with his paws. The woman screamed, the man shud- 
dered, got his gun, and loaded it. The bear was then 
mounted on the rails of a fence. The man shot, the bear 
roared, and made off. The man then sent an express for 
his brother, (the author of this story,) who soon appeared 
witli a good gun and his young dog Drover. After hunt- 
ing awhile, they discovered the bear lying in a swamp 
Drover, who had never seen a bear before, made towards 
him with a kind of half-courage, as if unwilling to be 
thought a coward, yet prudently determining to do nothing 
rashly. It was now remarked that brave old Beaver, in- 
stead of running at the bear, attacked Drover, and pre- 
vented him from showing how much he dared to do 
This uncommon and seemingly strange behavior of Beaver 
was reasonably imputed to a natural jealousy, lest Drover 
should have the honor of disabling Bruin, which Beaver 
seemed sensible he had done before, and therefore claimed 
and strove to maintain the respect due to his merit. Dro- 
ver's master then tired, the bear groaned hideously, and 
both dogs fell on him, who at last forced him to take shel- 
ter in a tree. There he was sutfered to remain until day- 
light, when another shot brought him to the ground. His 
carcass weighed one hundred and sixty-two pounds, and 
it appeared that six bullets had been shot through at three 
charges. Let it here be supposed that he was wounded 
once for killing the calf, once for eating the lamb, and 
once for destroying the bee-hive. For lapping the milk, 
oversetting the rest, stealing the cream, and damaging a 
garden, he was worried by the dogs — several punishments 
for different crimes, all of which the same bear was judged 
guilty of, and thus suffered for. His body was quartered. 



and partly eaten at Bethany, and the remainder brought 
to iNcw Haven as a rarity." 

"in the year 1739, Gen. Putnam removed from Salem 
to Pomfret, an inland fertile town in Connecticut, forty 
miles east of Hartford; having here purchased a conside- 
rable tract of land, he applied himself successfully to agri- 

" The first years on a new farm are not, however, ex- 
empt from disasters and disappointments, which can only 
be remedied by stubborn and patient industry. Our farm- 
er, sufliciently occupied in building a house an. I barn, 
felling woods, making fences, sowing grain, planting or- 
chards, and taking care of his stock, had to encounter, 
in turn, the calamities occasioned by a drought in sum- 
mer, blast in harvest, loss of cattle in winter, and the 
desolation of his sheep-fold by wolves. In one night he 
had seventy fine sheep and goats killed, besides many 
lambs and kids wounded. This havock was committed 
by a she-wolf, which, with her annual whelps, had for 
several years, infested the vicinity. The young were 
commonly destroyed by the vigilance of the hunters ; but 
the old one was too sagacious to come within reach of 
gun-.=hot : upon being closely pursued, she would generally 
fly to the western woods, and return the next winter with 
another litter of w^helps. 

"The wolf at length became such an intolerable nui- 
sance, that Mr. Putnam entered into a combination v/ith 
five of his neighbors to hunt alternately until they could 
destroy her. Two by rotation were to be constantly in 
pursuit It was known that having lost the toes from 
one foot, by a steel trap, she made one track shorter than 
the other. By this vestige the pursuers recognized, in a 
light snow, the route of this pernicious animal. Having 
followed her to Connecticut River, and found she had 
turned back in a direct course towards Pomfret, they im- 
mediately returned; and by ten o'clock the next morning 
the blood-hounds had driven her into a den, about three 
miles from the house of Mr. Putnam. The people soon 
collected with dogs, guns, straw, fire, and sulphur, to at- 
tack the common enemy. With this apparatus, several 
unsuccessful attempts were made to force her from the 


den. The hounds came back badly wounded, and re- 
fused to return. The smoke of blazing straw had no 
effect. Nor did tlic fumes of burnt brimstone, witli which 
the cavern was filled, compel her to quit the retirement. 
Wearied with such fruitless attempts, (which had brought 
the time to ten o'clock at night,) Mr. Putnam tried once 
more to make his dog enter, but in vain ; he proposed to 
his negro man to go down into the cavern, and shoot the 
wolf; the negro declined the hazardous service. Then 
it was that the master, angry at the disappointment, and 
declaring that he was ashamed to have a coward in his fam- 
ily, resolved himself to destroy the ferocious beast, lest she 
should escape through some unknown fissure of the rock. 
His neighbors strongly remonstrated against the perilous 
enterprise; but he knowing that wild animals are intimi- 
dated by fire, and having provided several strips of birch 
bark, the only combustible material which he could obtain, 
that would afford light in this deep and darksome cave, 
prepared for his descent. Having accordingly divested 
himself of his coat and waistcoat, and having a long rope 
fastened around his legs, by which he might be pulled 
back at a concerted signal, he entered, head foremost, with 
the blazing torch in his hand. 

*' The aperture of the den, on the east side of a very 
high ledge of rocks, is about two feet square ; from thence 
it proceeds obliquely fifteen feet, then rurming horizon- 
tally about ten feet more, it ascends gradually sixteen feet 
towards its termination. The sides of this subterraneous 
cavity are composed of smooth and solid rocks, which 
seem to have been divided from each other by some former 
earthquake*. The top and bottom are also of stone; and 
the entrance in winter, being covered with ice, is exceed- 
ingly slippery. It is in no place high enough for a man 
to raise himself upright, nor in any part more than three 
feet in width. 

" Having groped his passage to the horizontal part of 
the den, the most terrifying darkness appeared in front of 
the dim circle of light afforded by his torch. None but 
monsters of the desert had ever before explored this soli- 
tary mansion of horror. He cautiously proceeding on- 
ward, came to the ascent ; which he slowly mounted on 

CHAP. XIII.] nisTOUY of new England. 


liis liands and knees, until he discovered the glaring eye 
balls of the wolf, wiio was sitting at the extremity of the 
cavern. Started at the sight of fire, she gnashed her 
teeth, and gave a sudden growl. As soon as he had made 
the necessary discovery, he kicked the lope as a signal for 
pulling him out. The people at the mouth of tiie den, 
■^ho had listened with painful anxiety, hearing the growl 
of the wolf, and supposing their friend to be in the most 
imminent danger, drew him forth with such celerity th it 
his shirt was stripped over his head, and his skin severely 
lacerated. After he had adjusted his clothes, and loaded 
his gun with nine buck-shot, holding his torch in one hand 
and the musket in the other, he descended the second time. 
When he drew nearer than before, the wolf assumed a still 
more fierce and terrible appearance, howling, rolling her 
eyes, snapping her teeth, and dropping her head between 
her legs, was evidently in the attitude and on the point of 
springing at him. At this critical instant, he levelled and 
fired at her head. Stunned by the shock, and suffocated 
with the smoke, he immediately found himself drawn out 
of the cave. But having refreshed himself, and permitted 
the smoke to dissipate, he went down the third time. Once 
more he came within sight of the wolf, who appearing very 
passive, he applied the torch to her nose, and perceiving 
her dead, he took hold of her ears, and then kicking the 
rope, (still tied round his legs,) the people above, with no 
small exultation, dragged them both out together."— //^/??^- 
phrrj/s^ Life of Putnam. 

John Burroughs," says Rev. Mr. Arnold, "came to 
this place (Alstead) from Tolland, Con., in May, 1707. 
The old gentleman still lives, (1826,) and is the earliest 
settler that continues to the present time. He is able to 
relate many interesting events that transpired during some 
of the first years after he came to the place. He informs 
the writer that one of the great evils in those days was 
the multitude of wild beasts, especially bears and wolves, 
which were so numerous as to devour their swine .and 
sheep, and sometimes to assail their larger cattle. At one 
time, as he was called to Walpole for medical assistance 
for his family, he saw, but a few rods distant, a large 
panther, which he drove from him by a stern look and a 



[chap. XIII. 

sudden yell. At another time he returned from Walpole in 
a terrible thunder storm and a powerful rain, which hia 
physician would not encounter in the night. In an unex- 
pected manner he found himself inclosed in the bushy top 
of a large tree that had fallen in his way. By reason of 
the extreme darkness, neither he nor his horse could keep 
the path, which was, however, none of the best. After 
many attempts to extricate himself and his horse, and 
groping along in the dark, he was compelled to lodge there 
for the night. * And,' said he, with the smile of second 
childhood, 'I laid my hand over my ear to keep out the 
rain, and slept sweetly till morning.' " 

Gen. Winslow," says Thacher, "was remarkable for 
his skill in hor.semanship. He imported a valuable horse 
from England, and it was among his greatest delights to 
be mounted on his favorite animal. On a certain occa- 
sion, a number of gentlemen of this town (Plymouth) 
formed a party with Gen. Winslow, for a pleasure excur- 
sion to Saquish, in Plymouth harbor, and to return to dine 
in town. While there, Winslow fell asleep ; the other 
gentlemen silently withdrew, and pursued their journey. 
When he awoke and found himself deserted, he mounted, 
and daringly plumbing his steed into the channel, swam 
him across, and landed on Plymouth beach, a distance 
estimated at something more than half a mile, from whence 
he rode into town, making the whole distance but six 
miles, while his companions were riding fourteen miles. 
On their arrival, they were astounded to find the general 
seated at the tavern, prepared to greet them." 

" The identical granite rock upon which the sea-wearied 
pilgrims from the Mayflower first impressed their foot- 
steps, has never been a subject of doubtful designation. 
The fact of its identity has been transmitted from father 
to son, particularly in the instance of Elder Faunce and 
his father, as would be the richest inheritance, by unques- 
tionable tradition. About the year 1741, it was repre- 
sented to Elder Faunce that a wharf was to be erected 
over the rock, which impressed his mind with deep con- 
cern, and excited a strong desire to take a last fiirewell of 
the cherished object. He was then ninety-five years old. 



and resided three miles from the place. A chair was pro- 
cured, and the venerable man conveyed to the shore, 
where a number of the inhabitants were assembled to 
witness the patriarch's benediction. Having pointed out 
the rock directly under the bank of Cole's Hill, which his 
father had assured him was that which had received the 
footsteps of our fathers on their first arrival, and which 
should be perj)etuated to posterity, he bedewed it with his 
tears, and bid to it an everlasting adieu. These facts 
were testified to by the late venerable Deacon Spooner, 
who was then a boy, and was present on the interesting 
occasion. Tradition says that Elder Faunce was in the 
habit, on every anniversary, of placing his children and 
grandchildren on the rock, and conversing with them 
respecting their forefathers. Standing on this rock, there- 
fore, we may fancy a magic power ushering us into the 
presence of our fathers. Where is the New Englander 
who would be willing to have that rock buried out of 
sight and forgotten? The hallowed associations which 
cluster around that precious memorial, inspire us with 
sentiments of the love of our country, and a sacred reve- 
rence for its primitive institutions. In contemplation, we 
may hold communion with celestial spirits, and receive 
monitions from those who are at rest in their graves. 
What honors shall we pay to the fathers of our country, 
the founders of that nation, which for ages will remain 
the rich abode of knowledge, religion, freedom, and virtue! 
Criminal, indeed, would be our case, were we not to che- 
rish a religious sense of the exalted privileges inherited 
from our pious ancestors, and resolve to transmit them 
unimpaired to our children. 

" In 1774, the inhabitants of Plymouth, animated by 
the glorious spirit of liberty which pervaded the province, 
and mindful of the precious relic of our forefathers, re- 
solved to consecrate the rock on which they landed to the 
shrine of liberty. Col. Theophilus Cotton, and a large 
number of the inhabitants, assembled, with about twenty 
yoke of oxen, for the purpose of its removal. The rock 
was elevated from its bed by means of large screws ; and 
in attempting to mount it on the carriage, it split asunder, 
without any violence. As no one had observed a flaw. 



the circumstance occasioned some surprise. It is not 
strange that some of" tlie patriots of tlie day should be 
disposed to indulge a little in superstition, when in favor 
of tiieir good cause. The separation of the rock was 
construed to be ominous of a division of the British em- 
pire. The question was now to be decided whether both 
parts should be removed, and being decided in the nega- 
tive, the bottom part was dropped again into its original 
bed, where it still remains, a few inches above the surface 
of the earth, at the head of the wharf The upper portion, 
weighing many tons, was conveyed to the liberty pole 
square, front of the meeting-house, where, we believe, 
waved over it a flag with the far-famed motto, ' Liberty or 
death.' This part of the rock was, on the 4th of July, 
J834, removed to Pilgrim Hall, and placed in front of that 
edifice, under the charge of the Pilgrim Society. A pro- 
cession was formed on this occasion, and passed over 
Cole's Hill, where lie the ashes of those who died the first 

" A miniature representation of the Mayflower followed 
in the procession, placed in a car, decorated with flowers, 
and drawn by six boys. The procession was preceded 
by the children of both sexes of the several schools in 
town. On depositing the rock in front of the hall, a vol- 
ley of small arms was fired over it by the Standish Guards, 
after which, an appropriate address was delivered by Dr. 
Charles Cotton, and the services were closed by a prayer 
by the Rev. Dr. Kendall. 

*' It afforded the highest satisfaction to announce that 
the long-desired protection of the Forefathers' Rock is at 
length completed; and it may be pronounced a noble 
structure, serving the double purpose of security to the 
rock, and a monument to the pilgrims. The fabric was 
erected in June, 1835, and consists of a perfect ellipse, 
forty-one feet in perimeter, formed of wrought-iron bars, 
five feet high, resting on a base of hammered granite. 
The heads of the perpendicular bars are harpoons and 
boat-hooks, alternately. The whole is embellished with 
emblematic fioures of cast iron. The base of the railinor 
is studded with emblems of marine shells, placed alter- 
nately reversed, having a striking effect. The upper part 



of tlie railiiifr is encircled with a wreath of iron castincrs 
ill imitation of heraldry curtains, fringed with festoons ; 
of these are forty-one, bearing the names in bass-relief of 
the forty-one puritan fathers who signed the memorable 
compact while in the cabin of the MayTiower at Cape Cod, 
in This valuable and interesting acquisition reflects 

lionor on all who have taken an interest in the undertak- 
ing. In the original design, by George W. Brimmer, Esq., 
ingenuity and correct taste are displayed, and in all its 
parts the work is executed with much judgment and skill. 
The castings are executed in the most improved style of 
the art. This appropriate memorial Vvill last for ages, and 
the names and story of the great founders of our nation 
will be made familiar to the latest generation. 

" It is," adds Mr. Thacher, " with peculiar satisfaction 
that we record the very valuable donation by Henry Sar- 
gent, Esq., of Boston, to the Pilgrim Society, of his mag- 
nificent painting, representing our forefathers on their 
first landing from the Mayflower. It has long been a 
desideratum that the walls of our Pilgrim Hall should be 
adorned with this picture, but for the want of funds it 
could not be procured, the price being three thousand 
dollars. That gentleman has now, with a noble generos- 
ity, presented the picture to the Society, and funds have 
been raised by subscription for the purpose of procuring a 
rich and costly frame, and paying some contingent expen- 
ses. We shall now enjoy the satisfaction of contempla- 
ting this superb representation of the patriarchs, the found- 
ers of our nation on their first arriving on our shores. 
The Pilgrim Hall is the most appropriate receptacle, and 
is now suitably prepared to receive it, and the author has, 
by the grandeur of his conceptions and skill, rendered the 
painting peculiarly appropriate to the place, and acquired 
to himself honor and applause. The frame is gilt, and 
measures thirteen by sixteen feet. 

The following persons are represented in the several 
groups attired in the costume of their day: 

1. Gov. Carver and his wife and children, 

2. Gov. Bradford. 

3. Gov. Winslow. 

4. Wife of Gov. Winslow. 



5. Mr. William Brewster, the presiding elder. 
G. C.ipt. Miles Standish. 

7. JNlr. William White, and his child Peregrine. 

8. Mr. Isaac Allerton and his wife. 

9. Mr. John Alden. 

10. Mr. John Turner. 

11. Mr. Stephen Hopkins, his wife and children. 

12. Mr. R^ichard Warren. 

13. Mr. Edward Tilley. 

14. Mr. Samuel Fuller. 

15. Wife of Capt. Standish. 

16. Sunoset, an Indian sagamore or lord. 

17. Mr. John Howland, of Gov. Carver's family. 
Among the anti(juitics in the cabinet of the Pilgrim So- 
ciety, are the following : 

An armed chair, apparently made for some public use, 
and reputed to have belonged to Gov. Carver. 

The identical sword blade used by Miles Standish, the 
hilt being of more modern date, presented by William T. 
Williams, E?q. 

A pewter dish belonging to Miles Standish, presented 
by Joseph Head, Esq. 

An iron pot belonging to Miles Standish, presented by 
John Watson, Esq. 

The identical cap worn by king Philip. It is helmet- 
fihnped, curiously wrought in the manner of net work, 
and interwoven with red birds' feathers, presented by Mr. 
Abiuthar Wilber. 

A 'piece of Gov. E. Winslow's chest, presented by Mr. 
John Churcliill. 

Sundry axes, hatchets, tomahawks, arrow-heads, &.C., 
of stone, wrought by the natives. 

A writer in the Old Colony Memorial gives tlie follow- 
ing account of the inan/irrs and cifstojns of olden time. 

" It may be amusing and entertaining to have some ac- 
count of the customs and manner of living of the people, 
sixty-five, seventy, and seventy-live years ago. As to what 
took jihce in seaport towns, and places which had a dense 
population, I can give no account ; but in the town where I 
was brought up, (which I suppose was not materially differ- 



ent from the general state of other country towns,) I will 
attempt to describe. In the winter season the dinners 
were generally uniform. The first course was a dish of 
broth, usually called porridge. This generally had a few 
beans in it, and some dry summer-savory scattered in 
The second course was an Indian pudding with sauce ; the 
third was a dish of boiled pork and beef, with round tur- 
nips, and a few potatoes for sauce. Potatoes were then 
a scarce article, three bushels being considered as a very 
large crop ; and I was a considerable large lad before I 
ever saw a potato as large as a hen's egg. For suppers 
and breakfasts, they commonly had a dish of the same. 
Those who had milk, (which was not many in the winter) 
had that with toasted brown bread, or roasted apples for 
breakfast, and hasty-pudding for supper. For an ex- 
change, they sometimes had a basin of sweetened cider, 
with toasted bread in it, and a piece of cheese. On the 
sabbath morning, tliey generally had chocolate, coffee, or 
bohea tea — the chocolate and coffee sweetened with mo- 
lasses, the tea with brown sugar. With it they had pan- 
cakes, dough-nuts, brown toast, some sort of pie — some, 
or all of them. Dinners they had none ; but immediately 
after the afternoon service, they had a supper, a roast 
goose, or a turkey, a roast spare-rib, or a stew pie, — and 
this was the common course through the winter season. 
In the spring and the summer, they generally had milk 
for supper and breakfast. For dinner (then potatoes were 
generally gone, and round turnips were too pithy to eat) 
they used French turnips till greens came, and then greens 
were used" for sauce till peas and beans were ready for use. 
As for flour, it v>^as a thing unknown. At that time, I 
doubt there ever having been a barrel of flour in the town. 
Every farmer broke up a piece of new ground, and sowed 
it with wheat and turnips. This wheat, by the help of the 
sieve, was a substitute for flour. 

" In general, men, old or young, who had got their 
growth, had a decent coat, vest and small clothes, and 
some kind of fur hat. Old men had a great-coat and a 
pair of boots. The boots generally lasted for life. For 
common use they had a long jacket, or what was called a 
fly-coat, made something like our surtouts, reaching about 



[chap. XIII. 

half M'ay to the thigh ; striped jacket to wear under a pair 
of small clothes like the coat. These were made of flan- 
nel cloth, fulled but not sheared; flannel shirts and stock- 
ings, and thick leather shoes ; a silk handkerchief fo? 
holidays, which would last ten years. In the summer 
time, a pair of wide trowsers (now out of use) reaching 
half way from the knee to the ankle. Shoes and stockings 
were not worn by the young men, and by but few men in 
the farming business. 

*' As for boys, as soon as they were taken out of petti- 
coats, they were put into small clothes, summer or winter. 
This continued until long trowsers were introduced ; 
which they called tongs. They were but little different 
from our pantaloons. These were made of tow cloth, 
linen, or cotton, and soon were used by old men and 
young, through the warm season. At last they were made 
of flannel cloth, and were the general costume gf the win- 
ter. Young men never thought of great-coats, and sur- 
touts were then unknown. I recollect a neighbor of my 
father's, who had four sons between nineteen and thirty 
years of age. The oldest got a pair of boots, the second 
a surtout, the third a watch, and the fourth a pair of silver 
buckles. This made a neighborhood talk, and the family 
were on the high road to insolvency. 

" As for the women, old and young, they wore flannel 
gowns in the winter. The young women wore, in the 
summer, wrappers or shepherdress; and about their ordinary 
business, did not wear stockings and shoes. They were 
usually contented with one calico gown ; but they gene- 
rally had a calimanco gown, another of camlet, and some 
had them made of poplin. The sleeves were short, and 
did not come below the elbow. On holidays, they wore 
one, two, or three ruffles on each arm — the deepest of 
which were sometimes nine or ten inches. They wore 
long gloves, coming up to the elbow, secured by what was 
called glove-tightens, made of black horse-hair. Round 
gowns had not then come in fashion; so they wore aprons, 
made of checked linen, cotton, and for holiday use, of 
white cotton, long lawn, or cambric. They seldom wore 
caps when about their ordinary business ; but they had 
two kinds, one of which they wore when they meant to 



appear in full dress. One was called strap-cap, which 
came under the chin, and was there tied ; the other was 
called round-cord cap, and did not come over the ears. 
They wore thick leather, thin leather, and broadcloth 
shoes, all with heels an inch and a half high, with picked 
toes turned up in a point at the toes. They generally had 
small, very small muffs, and some wore masks. 

" At the time I allude to, a young woman did not con- 
sider it a hardship or a degradation to walk five or six 
miles to meeting. There was no chaise, or any sort of 
waggon or sleigh in the town. I recollect the first chaise 
that passed through, and it made a greater wonderment 
than the appearance of a mammoth. People were puz- 
zled for a name ; at last they called it a calash. A horse 
that would fetch forty dollars was considered as of the 
first quality, and one more than nine years old was con- 
sidered as of little or no value. A half cord of wood was 
then considered as a monstrous load for an ordinary team. 
A farmer generally killed from three to five swine, which 
would weigh from five to eight score each ; but it was an 
extraordinary hog that would weigh nine score: 

Acute fevers then were much more frequent than at 
this time. The principal fevers then were called the long 
or slow fever, which would run thirty-five, forty, or fifty 
days before it formed a crisis. There was also the slow 
nervous fever, which ran generally longer than the long 
fever. But consumptions were much less f-equent than 
now, unless it was with very old people. In the year 1764, 
a young man fell into a consumption. He was between 
twenty and thirty years of age, and it passed for a wonder 
that a young man should fall into a consumption." 

" Of early New England simplicity, we have an amus- 
ing instance in the mode of electing some of the public 
officers. By an order of the Massachusetts General Court, 
corn and beans w^ere to be used in voting for counsellors, 
the corn to manifest elections, the beans the contrary. On 
putting in more than one kernel of corn, or one bean for 
the choice or refusal of a candidate, the law imposed a 
heavy penalty." 

" The first church in Beverly, Mass., was organized in 
1667, and the Rev. John Hale, the first pastor, was or- 



dained at the formation of the church. The duties of the 
sexton of the church, about this period, as they appear on 
the town book, were to ' ring the bell at nine o'clock 
every night a sufficient space of time as is usual in other 
places,' and * keep and turn the hour-glass,' An hour- 
glass was kept near the pulpit, in view of the minister. 
He was expected to close his sermon in the course of an 
hour, and if he went over or fell short of the time it was 
sufficient cause for complaint." 

The first settlers of Lynn, Mass., were principally 
farmers, and possessed a large stock of horned cattle, 
sheep, and goats. For several years, before the land was 
divided and the fields fenced, the cattle were fed in one 
drove, and guarded by a man, who, from his employment, 
was called a hayward. The sheep, goats, and swine were 
kept on Nahant, where they were tended by a shepherd. 
A fence of rails, put near together, was made across the 
reach, near Nahant, to keep out the wolves, as it is said 
those animals do not climb. In autumn, the swine were 
let loose in the woods, that they- might fatten themselrcs 
on nuts and acorns. The people of Lynn, for some years, 
seem to have lived in the most perfect democracy. They 
had town-meetings every three months, for the regulation 
of their public affairs. They cut their wood in common, 
and drew lots for the grass in the meadows and marshes. 
These proved very serviceable to the farmers in furnishing 
them with sustenance for their cattle, which was probably 
the reason why there were more farmers at Lynn than in 
any other of the early settlements. JMr. Johnson says, 
* The chiefest corn they planted, before they had plough,^, 
was Indian grain. And let no man make a jest at pump- 
kins, for with this food the Lord was pleased to feed his 
•people, to their good content, till corn and cattle were in- 
creased.' Their corn at the first w-as pounded with a 
wooden or stone i)estle, in a mortar made of a large log, 
hollowed out at one end. They also cultivated large fields 
of barley and wheat. Much of the former was made into 
inalt for beer, which they drank instead of ardent spirit. 
They raised considerable quantities of flax, which was 
rotted in one of the ponds, thence called the Flax Pond. 
Their first houses were rude structures, with steep roofs, 



covered with thatch, or small bundles of sedge or straw, 
laid one over anotlier. The fire-places were made of 
rough stones, and the chimneys of boards, or short sticks, 
crossing each other, and plastered inside with clay. Be- 
side the haste and necessity which prevented the construc- 
tion of more elegant habitations, the people who had 
wealth were advised to abstain from all superfluous ex- 
pense, and to reserve their money for public use. Even 
the deputy governor, Mr. Dudley, was censured for wain- 
scoting his house. In a few years, houses of a better or- 
der began to appear. They were built with two stories in 
front, and sloped down to one in the rear. The windows 
were small, and opened outward on hinges. They consist- 
ed of very small diamond panes set in sashes of lead. 
The fire-places were large enough to admit a four-foot log, 
and the children might sit in the corners and look up at 
the stars. On whichever side of the road the houses were 
placed, they uniformly faced the south, that the sun at 
noon might ' shine square.' Thus each house formed a 
domestic sun-dial, by which the good matron, in the ab- 
sence of the clock, could tell, in fair weather, when to 
call her husband and sons from the field — for the indus- 
trious people of Lynn, then as well as now, always dined 
exactly at twelve. It was the custom of the first settlers 
to wear long beards, and it is said that ' some had their 
overgrown beards so frozen together, that they could not 
get the vessel, which contained their drink, to their mouths.' 
In very hot weather, * servants were privileged to rest 
from their labors, from ten of the clock til' two.' The 
common address of men and women ^was Goodman and 
Goodwife ; none but those who sustained some oflice of 
dignity, or belonged to some respectable family, were com- 
plimented with the title of Master. In writing they seem 
to have had no capital F, and thus in the early records we 
find two small ones used instead, and one m with a dash 
over it stood for two." 

" The first settlers of Amherst, N. H., coming from the 
old towns in Massachusetts, brought with them the cus- 
toms v/hich prevailed at the time of their emigration. 
They were plain and simple in their dress. In living, they 
had few or none of the luxuries of life. Their fare was 



plain and substantial. They used considerable liquid food, 
such as milk, broths, pea and bean porridge. Chocolate 
was sometimes used, and was probably esteemed as one of 
their greatest luxuries. Coffee was unknown to them ; and 
though tea had been introduced into the country about six- 
teen years when the town was settled, the first inhabitants 
had not tasted of it. The first used in the place was sent 
by some Boston friends to the family of the minister, who 
were unacquainted with the method of preparing it, but 
concluded it must be boiled in a kettle, or pot, in a man- 
ner similar to their boiling their liquid food. They there- 
fore put in a quantity of the exotic herb, and having boiled 
it till they supposed ' it was done,' they dipped it out and 
sipped of it, but doubtless found it less palatable than their 
favorite beverage. Wine was a great rarity, and ardent 
spirits were rather regarded for medicinal purposes than as 
fit for an article of drink. Sugar, which was known in 
this country as early as 1631, was used by them, as was 
also molasses, but only in small quantities. 

" The most common conveyance was by horses fitted 
out with saddles and pillions. Two could ride in this way 
the same animal, and oftentimes an infant was superadded 
A few years before the revolutionary war, it began to be 
the practice to trot horses. Previously, these animals had 
paced. The first or second chaise brought into town, was 
owned by Mr. Benjamin Kendrick, and he rode in it until 
he was eighty-six years old. As late as 1810, he journeyed 
with it to Boston and its neighborhood. It presented such 
an antique appearance, that it was often called the ' old 
ark.' " 


Mirick, speaking of the ancient garrisons and refuge- 
houses in Haverhill, says, " Six garrisons were appointed, 
and ordered to be kept in a state of defence, and four 
houses were appointed for refuge, then called ' houses for 
refuge.' One of the garrisons was commanded by Ser- 
geant John Haseltine. A part of the house is now stand- 

Most of the garrisons, and two of the refuge-houses, 
were built of brick, and were two stories high ; those that 



were not built of this material, had a single laying of it 
between the outer and inner walls. They had but one 
outside door, which was often so small that but one person 
could enter at a time ; their windows were about two feet 
and a half in length, eigiiteen inches in breadth, and were 
secured on the inside with iron bars. Their glass was 
very small, cut in the shape of a diamond, was extremely 
thick, and ftistened in with lead instead of putty. There 
were generally but two rooms in the basement-story, and 
tradition says that they entered the chambers with the help 
of a ladder, instead of stairs, so that the inmates could 
retreat into them, and take it up, if the basement-story 
should be taken by the enemy. Their fire-places were of 
such enormous sizes, that they could burn their wood sled- 
length, very conveniently ; and the ovens opened on the 
outside of the building, generally at one end, behind the 
fire-place ; and were of such dimensions that we should 
suppose a sufficient quantity of bread might have been 
baked in them, without much difficulty, to supply a regi- 
ment of hungry mouths." 

A house occupied by Capt. Barker, in Scituate, Mass., 
" is one of the oldest, if not the very oldest, now standing 
in New England. The tradition is, that it was built by 
John Williams, as early as 1634. ' The massive beams, 
the wooden walls interlined with brick, and the port-holes, 
witness that it was a garrison-house.' " 

The ancient Leonard House in Raynham, Mass., " is 
still occupied by one of the family, of the sixth generation 
from the builder, and, so far as we are informed, is one 
of the oldest mansions now standing in this country. The 
vane at one of the gable-ends is inscribed with the date 
1700; but there is little doubt of the house having been 
erected at least thirty years previous. The workmanship, 
especially within, is remarkably massive and sound. It is 
apparently modelled after an English fashion of the eight- 
eenth century, with some modifications proper for defence 
against the Indians. It was garrisoned during the war. 
'In the cellar under this house. was deposited, for a con- 
siderable time, the head of king Philip. 

' There is yet in being an ancient case of drawers, 
which used to stand in this house, upon which the deep 



scars and mangled impressions of Indian hatchets are now 
seen ; but the deeper impressions made on those aiTrighted 
women, who fled from the house when the Indians broke 
in, cannot be known. Under the door-steps of tlie same 
building now lie buried the bones of two unfortunate 
young women, who in their flight here were shot down by 
the Indians, and their blood was seen to run quite across 
the road.' " 

There is an ''old stone house in Guilford, Con., which 
is believed to be one of the oldest houses now standing in 
the United States. This building was erected by the com- 
pany who first settled the town, al?out the year 1(340. The 
leader or head of the company was Henry Whitfield, a 
minister of the Church of England, and one of those who 
were called Non-Conformists. This house was built for 
him. The stone of which the building is constructed w.-.s 
brought on hand-barrows, from a ledcre some considerable 
distance from the place where the house stands. The 
cement used in building the walls is said now to be harder 
than the stone itself. The walls were plastered fifteen or 
twenty years since. This house was used by the first set- 
tlers as a kind of fort, I'br some time, to defend themselves 
against the hostile savages. The first marriage which took 
place in this town was solemnized in this building. The 
supper which w^as provided for the occasion consisted of 
pork and peas." 

" The residence of the two daughters of Dr. Byles is 
one of the oldest houses in Boston, and is much visited. 
It is a very ancient frame building at the corner of Nassau 
and Tremont streets, and the outside is nearly black. It 
stands in a green inclosure ; shaded with large trees. In 
this place was an encampment of the British during the 
summer of the revolutionary war. In the sitting room is 
a good portrait of Dr. Byles, by Copley, and a curiously 
carved arm-chair, surmounted with a crown, sent from 
England to his father-in-law. Gov. Taylor. Also, an an- 
tique writing-table, which, when closed, has a singularly 
narrow top; and a pair of bellows two hundred years old, 
with a very large nozle or spout, and some remarkable 
carving on the sides." 

In 1685, the people of New Haven " agreed that a 



home lot and house, and other lands, should be provided 
for Mr. Pierpont, on condition of his settling in ollice in 
the church. The means of building the house were to be 
obtained by voluntary contributions. The magistrates and 
townsmen were made a committee to obtain the necessary 
funds, to plan the house according to the funds raised, 
and to oversee the building. The necessary amount was 
pledged in money, materials and labor, without difficulty 
or delay. On the 30th of January, the plan of the house 
was ready, and was ordered to be submitted to Mr. Pier- 
pont for his approbation. The lot was purchased, and the 
building was immediately commenced. When it was 
finished, it was one of the most commodious and stately 
dwellings in the town. For more than a century it stood 
a monument of the public spirit of the generation by 
whose voluntary contributions it was erected. As the peo- 
ple were bringing in their free-will offerings of one kind 
and another, to complete and furnish the building, one 
man, desiring to do something for the object, and having 
nothino; else to offer, brought on his shoulder from the 
farms two little elm saplings, and planted them before the 
door of the minister's house. Under their shade, some 
forty years afterwards, Jonathan Edwards, then soon to 
take rank, in the intellectual world, with Locke and Leib- 
nitz, spoke words of mingled love and piety in the ear of 
Sarah Pierpont. Under their shade, when sixty summers 
had passed over them, Whitefield stood on a platform, and 
lifted up that voice, the tones of which lingered so long 
in thousands of hearts. One of them is still standing, the 
tallest and most venerable of all the trees in this city of 
elms, and ever the first to be tinged with green at the 
return of spring," 

"Boston Common was set apart by the first settlers for 
a training field, and a public pasture ground. The large 
and beautiful elm is supposed to be aboriginal, and to 
have been found there when the settlers arrived. There 
was another fine elm of equal size, which was cut down 
by the British soldiers, who had an encampment here in 
1776. On the morning of their departure, they proceeded 
to cut down the trees, many of which were prostrated 
before Gen. Howe sent orders to stop the work of de- 



A writer in the American Magazine gives the following 
description of an ancient elm now standing in Cambridge, 

" The Washington elm stands in the westerly corner of 
the large common near Harvard University, and is probably 
one of the trees that belonged to the native forest. Amid 
the changes which have taken place in the world, and 
particularly in America and New England, it has stood 
like a watchman ; and if it could speak, it would be an 
interesting chronicler of events. The early settlers of 
this country had hardly finished their rude log houses be- 
fore tliey proposed to make the village in which it stands 
the metropolis of the country ; and but few years elapsed 
before they laid the foundation of Harvard University, so 
near that it may almost be shaded by its branches. Not 
far from it was the spot where the public town-meetings 
were held ; and also the tree under which the Indian 
council fires were lighted, more than two hundred years 
ago. When the drum was used in Cambridge, instead of 
the bell, to summon the congregation to the place of 
worship, or to give warning of a savage enemy, the sound 
floated through its trailing limbs ; and when the ofiicers 
of the college discharged the duty of inflicting corporal 
punishment on young men with their own hands, who 
knows but their lugubrious lamentations may have mingled 
with the breezes that disturbed its foliage? Of how many 
college sports and tricks might it tell, such deeds, too, as 
no one who had not been educated in the halls of old 
Harvard would ever have dreamed of? Among the gravei 
subjects of which it might make report, are the lessons of 
truth and piety which fell from the lips of Whitefield, 
when he stood in its shade and moved a vast multitude by 
his eloquence. And subsequently, it seems, it has been 
heralding war and liberty; for the revolutionary soldiers 
who stood shoulder to shoulder, — blessings be on their 
heads, — tell us that when Washington arrived at Cam- 
bridge, he drew his sword as commander-in-chief of the 
American army, for the first time, beneath its boughs, and 
resolved within himself that it should never be sheathed 
till the liberties of his country were established. Glorious 
old tree, that has stood in sight of the smoke of Lexing- 



Ion and Bunker's Hill battles, and weathered the storms 
of many generations, — worthy of veneration ! Though, 
in the spirit of modern improvement, guide-boards may 
be nailed to thy trunk, thou pointest to the past and the 
future. All around are scattered memorials of what has 
been. Generations of men have died and been buried, 
and soldiers of the revolution sleep near thee. Thou 
lookest down upon monuments in the church yard, robbed 
of their leaden armorial bearings that they might be con- 
verted into musket balls in the day of our national poverty 
and struggle ; and the old spikes still fastened into the 
beams of Massachusetts Hall, tell of suspended hammocks 
where the weary soldier took his rest. Across the river, 
where one Blackstone lived, and where Gov. Winthrop 
took up his residence, because he found a good spring of 
water there, the forest has been cut away, the Indian wig- 
wam has disappeared, and a city has grown up, containing 
more than eighty thousand inhabitants, whose sails whiten 
every sea, whose merchants are princes, and whose traf- 
fickers are the honorable of the earth. May no unkind 
hand mar the last tree of the native forest ! Though it 
may have stood century after century, like a sentinel on 
duty, defying the lightning and the storm, still let it stand, 
an interesting and sacred memorial of the past and the 
present, and continue to be associated, for many years to 
come, with the history of our country ; and let the illus- 
trious name which it bears, and which it'derives from one 
of the most important events in the life of the father of 
his country, preserve it to remind the coming generations 
of his invaluable services and labors." 

The ancient burying ground in Middletown, Conn., 
was laid out in 1650. It is situated in the north part of 
the city, on the banks of Connecticut River. A majestic 
elm is still standing in the yard, on the spot where it stood 
at the first settlement of Middletown. It measured in 
1832, at two feet from the ground, twenty-six feet in 
circumference; at the height of ten feet, it measures 
seventeen feet. It spreads from north to south, one hun- 
dred and ten feet ; from east to west, ninety-five feet." 

*' There is a large oak tree now standing in Dedham, 
Mass., which is sixteen feet in circumference, near the 



bottom of the trunk, and is doubtless much older than the 
town. By it we are forcibly reminded how strong and 
stately stood his old companions of the forest. This tree 
is carefully and deservedly cherished by its owner. It is 
stated that seventy dollars was offered for it for timber, to 
have been used in the construction of the United States 
ship Constitution, but the proposals were rejected. It is 
of noble growth, and long may it stand the monarch tree 
of Dcdharn !" 

There is an ancient pear tree in Eastham, Mass., on 
the land now owned by Mr. Nathan Kenney. It was 
brought from England by Thomas Prince, for many years 
governor of Plymouth colony. Gov. Prince removed from 
Duxbury to Eastham in 1649 or 1645, and leaving East- 
ham, returned to Plymouth in 1665, so that this tree planted 
by him, is now probably about two hundred years old. It 
is still in a vigorous state. The fruit is small, but excel- 
lent ; and it is stated that it yields annually, upon an ave- 
rage, fifteen bushels." 

" There is an apple tree now standing on the farm of 
Mr. Solomon Marsh, in Litchfield, Conn., supposed to be 
about one hundred and sixteen years old, and is now in a 
vigorous state. Its trunk, two feet from the ground, mea- 
sures eleven feet five inches in circumference. The cir- 
cumference of its branches is nearly eleven rods in extent. 
It bore in 1835, one hundred bushels of apples of a fine 

"An English clergyman named Blackstone, planted the 
first apple trees in Massachusetts, and afterwards the first 
in Rhode Island, to which province he removed, and died 
there in 1675. He lived near the Pawtucket, and fre- 
quently preached at Providence, bringing with him apples 
to present to the children of the congregation ; many of 
whom had never seen that fruit." 

Belknap, speaking of the first settlers of Londonderry, 
N. H., says: " These people brought with them tne ne- 
cessary materials for the manufacture of linen ; and their 
spinning wheels, turned by the foot, were a novelty in the 
country. They also introduced the culture of potatoes, 
which were first planted in the garden of Nathaniel Walk- 
er, of Andover." 



The first planters in Londonderry lived on an ave- 
rage to eighty years, some to ninety, and others to one 
hundred. Among the last was William Scoby, who died 
at the age of one hundred and four. The two last heads 
of the sixteen families who began the planting of the town, 
died there in 17S2, aged ninety-three years each. They 
were w^omen." 


The first appearance of the Aurora Borealis, or North- 
ern Lights, in New England, is thus related by Hoyt. 

A phenomenon singular at the time, and still unsatisfac- 
torily explained, alarmed the people of New England in 
1719. This was the Aurora Borealis, first noticed in this 
country on the night of the 17th of December.* It is 
thus described by a writer of the time. ' At eleven o'clock 
in the evening, there arose a bright light in the north-east, 
like that which arises from a house when on fire ; which 
soon spread itself through the heavens from east to west, 
and was unusually broad. It streamed with white flames, 
or streams of light, down to the horizon, very bright and 
strong. When I first saw it, which was when it extended 
itself over the horizon from east to west, it was brightest 
in the middle, which was from me north-west ; and I could 
resemble it to nothing but the light of some fire. I could 
plainly see streams of light redder than ordinary, and 
there seemed to be an undulating motion of the whole 
light; so thin that I could plainly see the stars through it. 
Below this stream or glade of light, there lay in the hori- 
zon some thick clouds, bright on the tops or edges. It 
lasted somewhat more than an hour, though the light of 
its red color continued but a few minutes. About eleven 
at night, the same appearance was visible again ; but the 
clouds hindered its being accurately observed as I could 
wish. Its appearance was now somewhat dreadful — some- 
times it looked of a flame, sometimes of a blood-red color, 
and the whole north-eastern horizon was very bright, and 

* " It began about eight o'clock in the evening, and filled the 
country with terrible alarm. It was viev/ed as a sign of the last 
judgment." — Holmes' Annals. 



looked as though the moon had been near her rising. 
About an hour or two before break of day, the next morn- 
ing, it was seen again, and those who saw it say it was 
then most terrible.' 

" That so novel and singular appearance should have 
produced great consternation, is not extraordinary. At 
this day, by many, it is not beheld without foreboding 
apprehensions. When first seen in England, the conster- 
nation was equally great. One who saw it gives the fol- 
lowing description. ' The brightness, bloodiness, and 
firiness of the colors, together with the swiftness of the 
motions, increased insomuch as we could hardly trace them 
with our eyes, till at length almost all the whole heavens 
appeared as if they were set on flame; which wrought, 
and glimmered, with flashes in a most dreadful and inde- 
scribable manner. It seemed to threaten us with an im- 
mediate descent and deluge of fire, filled the streets with 
loud and doleful outcries and lamentations, and frighted a 
great many people into their houses. And we began to 
think whether tlie Son of God was next to make his glo- 
rious and terrible appearance, or the conflagration of the 
world was now begun ; for the elements seemed just as if 
they were melting with fervent heat, and the ethereal vault 
to be burning over us, like the fierce agitations of the blaze 
of a furnace, or at the top of a fiery oven. And the glim- 
mering light looked as if it proceeded from a more glorious 
body behind, that was approaching nearer, and about to 
make its sudden appearance to our eyes.' 

" The Aurora Borealis was first noticed in Europe about 
15G0 ; from that time it was occasionally seen, though un- 
attended with any extraordinary brilliancy, until 1623; 
from that time, for more than eighty years, we have no 
account of a similar phenomenon being observed. In 
1707 and 1708, it was noticed several times; and in 1716, 
Dr. Ilalley observed and described a very brilliant one, 
w^hich spread over the most of the north of Europe. Since 
that lime, until twenty or thirty years past, it has been 
common in all latitudes, often extending southerly of the 
zenith, and of great brilliancy ; and from its frequency 
has in a manner ceased to alarm. 

" It is certain that the Aurora Borealis was of rare oc* 


currence in our latitudes, until about a century ago, and 
indeed it was scarcely known previous to that time. Is it 
periodical? That it is, appears at least probable. It is 
now much less frequent than twenty or thirty years ago." 


In the year 1656," says Hutchinson, began what has 
been generally and not improperly called the persecution 
of the Quakers. No person appeared openly professing 
their opinions, until July of this year, when Mary F'isher 
and Anne Austin arrived from Barbadoes. A few weeks 
after, a ship arrived from London bringing nine more of 
these itinerants, four of whom were females. 

" On the eighth of September, they were brought be 
fore the court of assistants, and there examined, and each 
of them questioned how they could make it appear that 
God sent them. After a pause they answered, that tliey 
had the same call which Abraham had to go out of his 
country. To other questions they gave rude and con- 
temptuous answers ; which is the reason assigned for com- 
mitting them to prison. A great number of their books, 
which they had brought over with the design of scattering 
them about the country, were seized and reserved for the 
fire. Soon after this, as the governor was returning from 
public worship on the Lord's day, several gentlemen ac 
companying him, Mary Prince called to him from a win- 
dow of the prison, railing at and reviling him, saying. Woe 
unto thee, thou art an oppressor ; and denouncing the 
judgments of God upon him. 

*' Not content with this, she wrote a letter to the gov- 
ernor and magistrates, hilled with opprobrious language. 
The governor sent for her twice from the prison to his 
house, and took much pains to persuade her to desist from 
such extravagances. Two of the ministers were present, 
and with much moderation and tenderness endeavored to 
convince her of her errors; to which she returned the 
grossest railings, reproaching them as hirelings, deceivers 
of the people, Baal's priests, the seed of the serpent, of 
the brood of Ishmael, and the like. 

" The court passed sentence of banishment against them 



all, and required the master of the ship, in which they 
came, to become bound with sureties to the value of five 
hundred pounds to carry them all away, and caused them 
to be committed to prison until the ship should be ready 
to sail. At this time, there was no special provision by 
law for the punishment of Quakers; they came within a 
colony law against heretics in general. At the next ses- 
sions of the general court, the 14th of October following, 
an act passed, laying a penalty of one hundred pounds 
upon the m.aster of any vessel who should bring a known 
Quaker into any part of the colony, and requiring him to 
give security to carry them back again ; that the Quaker 
should be immediately sent to the house of correction and 
whipped tu'enty stripes, and afterwards kept to hard labor 
until transportation. They also laid a penalty of five 
pounds for importing, and the same for dispersing Qua- 
kers' books, and severe penalties for defending their heret- 
ical opinions. And the next year an additional law was 
made, by which all persons were subjected to the penalty 
of forty shillings for every hours' entertainment given to 
any known Quaker ; and any Quaker, after the first con- 
viction, if a man, was to lose one ear, and the second time 
the other ; a woman, each time to be severely whipped ; 
and the third time, man or woman, to have their tongues 
bored through with a red-hot iron ; and every Quaker, who 
should become such in the colony, was subjected to the 
same punishments. In May, 1658, a penalty of ten shil- 
lings was laid on every person present at a Quaker meet- 
ing, and five pounds upon every one speaking at such a 
meeting. Notwithstanding all this severity, the number 
of Quakers, as might v/ell have been expected, increasing 
rather than diminishing ; in October following, a further 
law was made for punishing with death all Quakers w-ho 
should return into the jurisdiction after banishment. That 
some provision was necessary against these people, so far 
as they were disturbers of civil peace and order, every 
one will allow; but such sanguinary laws against particular 
doctrines or tenets in religion are not to be defended. 
The most that can be said for our ancestors is, that they 
tried gentle means at first, which they found utterly in- 
effectual, and that they followed the example of the authori- 



ties in most other states, and in most ages of the world, 
who, with the like absurdity, have supposed every person 
could and ought to think as they did, and with the like 
cruelty have punished such as appeared to differ from 
them. We may add that it was with reluctance that these 
unnatural laws were carried into execution, as we shall see 
by a further account of proceedings. 

"Nicholas Upshall was apprehended in October, 1G56, 
fined twenty pounds, and banished, for reproaching the 
magistrates, and speaking against the law made against 
Quakers, and, returning in 1659, was imprisoned. At 
the same court, William Robinson, Marmaduke Stephen- 
son, Mary Dyer, and Nicholas Davis were brought to 
trial. The first gave no particular account of himself 
Stephenson had made a public disturbance in the congre- 
gation at Boston the i5th of June before. lie acknow- 
ledged himself to be one of those the world called Qua- 
kers, and declared that in the year 1656, at Shipton, in 
Yorkshire, as he was ploughing, he saw nothing, but heard 
an audible voice saying, ' I have ordained, thee to be a 
prophet to the nations,' &c. 

"Mary Dyer declared, that she came from Rhode Isl- 
and to visit the Quakers ; that she was of their religion, 
which she affirmed was the truth ; and that the light with- 
in her was the rule, &/C. 

"Davis came from Barnstable; became into court with 
]iis hat on, confessed he had forsaken the ordinances and 
resorted to the Quakers. The jury found, ' that they were 
all Quakers.' Robinson was whipped twenty stripes for 
abusing the court, and they were aJl banished on pain of 

" Patience Scott, a girl of about eleven years of age, 
came, I suppose, fi-om Providence — her friends lived there, 
and professing herself to be a Quaker, was committed to 
prison, and afterwards brought to court. The record 
stands thus; ' The court, duly considering the malice of 
Satan and his instruments by all means and ways to pro])a- 
gate error and disturb the truth, and bring in confusion 
among us — that Satan is put to his shifts to make use of 
such a child, not being of the years of discretion, nor 
understanding the principles of religion — ^judge meet, so 



far to slight her as a Quaker, as only to admonish and in- 
struct her according to her capacity, and so discharge her, 
Capt. Hutchinson undertaking to send her home. Strange, 
such a child sliould be imprisoned ! It would have been 
horrible if there had been any further severity. 

Robinson, Stephenson, and Mary Dyer, at the next 
general court, were brought upon trial, and, for their re- 
bellion, sedition, and presumptuous obtruding themselves 
after banishment upon pain of death, were sentenced to 
die ; the two first were executed the 27th of October.* 
Mary Dyer, upon the petition of William Dyer, her son, 
was reprieved, on condition that she departed the juris 
diction in forty-eight hours, and if she returned, to suffer 
the sentence. She was carried to the gallows, and stood 
with a rope about her neck until the others were executed. 
She was so infatuated as afterwards to return, and was 
executed, June 1, 1G60. The court thought it advisable 
to publish a vindication of their proceedings; they urge 
the example of England in the provision made against 
Jesuits, which might have some weight against a charge 
brought from thence ; but in every other part of their vin- 
dication, as may well be supposed from the nature of the 
thing, there is but the bare shadow of reason. Christo- 
pher Holder, who had found the way into the jurisdiction 
again, was at this court banished upon pain of death. At 
the same court, seven or eight persons were fined, some as 
high as ten pounds, for entertaining Quakers ; and Ed- 
ward Wharton, for piloting them from one place to another, 
was ordered to be whipped twenty stripes, and bound to 
his good behavior. Several others were then brought 
upon trial ' for adhering to the cursed sect of Quakers, not 
disownincr themselves to be such, refusincr to give civil 
respect, leaving their families and relations, and running 

* " Mr. Wintlirop, the governor of Connecticut, labored to pre- 
vent their execution, and Col. Temple went to the court and told 
them, ' that if according to their declaration they desired their 
lives absent rather than their deaths present, he would carry them 
away, and provide for them at his own charge, and if any of them 
should return he would fetch them away again.' Tliis motion was 
well liked by all the magistrates except two or three, and they pro- 
posed it to the deputies the next day ; but those two or three magis- 
trates with the deputies prevailed to have execution done." 



from place to place, vagabonds like and Daniel Gold was 
sentenced to be whipped thirty stripes, Robert Harper 
fifteen, and they, with Alice Courland, Mary Scott, and 
Hope Clifton, banished upon pain of death; William 
Kingsmill whipped fifteen stripes ; Margaret Smith, Mary 
Trask, and Provided Southvvick, ten stripes each, and 
Hannah Phelps admonished. 

" The compassion of the people was moved, and many 
resorted to the prison by day and night; and upon a repre- 
sentation of the keeper, a constant watch was kept round 
the prison to keep people off. 

Joseph Nicholson and Jane his wife were also tried 
and found Quakers, as also Wendlock Christopherson, 
who declared in court that the scripture is not the word 
of God, and Mary Standley, and all sentenced to banish- 
ment, &c. as was soon after Benjamin Bellflower ; but 
John Chamberlain, though he came with his hat on, yet 
refusing directly to answer, the jury found him ' much in- 
clining to the cursed opinions of the Quakers/ and he 
escaped with an admonition. 

''Nicholson and his wife returned and were apprehend- 
ed; but upon their petition had liberty, with several others 
then in prison, to leave for England. Christopherson re- 
turned also, and was sentenced to die. It is said he de- 
sired the court to consider what they had gained by their 
cruel proceedings. ' For the last man (says he) that was 
put to death, here are five come in his room ; and if you 
have power to take my life from me, God can raise up 
the same principle of life in ten of his servants, and send 
them among you in my room, that you may have torment 
upon torment.' He was ordered to be executed the 19th 
of March, 1G60, afterwards reprieved till the 18th of 
June ; but he was set at liberty upon his request to the 
court, and went out of the jurisdiction. 

" Bellflower afterwards in court renounced his opinions, 
as also William King, (Kingsmill, I suppose,) the only in- 
stances upon record. Camberlain was afterwards appre- 
hended again, found a Quaker, and committed to close 
prison ; but no further sentence appears. 

" In September, 1660, William Leadea was tried, and 
convicted of being a Quaker, and sentenced to banish- 


merit, &/C. ; but returning, and being apprehended, the 
general court gave him liberty, notwithstanding, to go to 
England with Nicholson and others; but he refused to 
leave the country, and was brought upon trial for returning 
into the jurisdiction after sentence of banishment, ac- 
knowledged himself to be the person, but denied their 
authority, and told the court, that ' with the spirit they 
called the devil, he worshipped God ; that their ministers 
were deluders, and they themselves murderers.' He was 
told that he might have his life and liberty if he would. 
He answered, ' I am willing to die — I speak the truth.' 
The court took great pains to persuade him to leave the 
country, but to no purpose. The jury brought him in 
guilty, and he was sentenced to die, and suffered accord- 
ingly, March 14, 1660. 

" Mary Wright, of Oyster Bay, was tried at the court in 
September, 1669. She said she came to do the will of 
the Lord, and to warn them to lay by their carnal weapons 
and laws against the people of God; and told the court 
they thirsted for blood. The court asked her what she 
would have them do ; she said, ' Repent of your blood- 
shed and cruelty, and shedding the blood of the innocent 
William Robinson, Marmaduke Stephenson and Mary 
Dyer.' She said, her tears were her meat many days and 
nights before she gave up herself to this work of the Lord, 
but added, that if she had her liberty, she would be gone 
quickly. Being found a Quaker, she was banished. 

" Edward Wharton, who had been whipped before, was 
now indicted for being a Quaker, convicted and sentenced 
to imprisonment, and afterwards to banishment. Judah 
Brown and Peter Pierson stood mute. They were sen- 
tenced to be whipped at the cart's tail in Boston, Roxbury, 
and Dedham. 

John Smith, of Salem, for making disturbance at the 
ordination of Mr. Higginson, crying out, 'What you are 
going about to setup, our God is pulling down,' was com- 
mitted to prison by order of court. 

"Philip Verin was also tried and imprisoned; Josias 
Southwick, first banished and returning, whipped at the 
cart's tail, and John Burstowe bound to his good behavior. 
These are all who were tried by the court of assistants, 



or by the general court. Some at Salem, Hampton, New- 
bury, and other places, for disorderly behavior, putting 
people in terror, coming into the congregations, and culling 
to the minister in time of public worship, declaring their 
preaching, 6lc. to be an abomination to the Lord, and 
other breaches of the peace, were ordered to be whipped 
by the authority of the county courts or particular magis- 
trates. At Boston one George Wilson, and at Cambridge 
Elizabeth Horton, went crying through the streets that the 
Lord was coming with fire and sword to plead with them. 
Thomas Newhouse went into the meeting-house at Boston 
with a couple of glass bottles, and broke them before the 
congregation, and threatened, ' Thus will the Lord break 
you in pieces.' Another time, M. Brewster came in with 
her face smeared and as black as a coal. Deborah Wilson 
went through the streets of Salem naked as she came into 
the world,* for which she was well whipped. For these 
and such like disturbances they might be deemed proper 
subjects either of a mad-house or house of correction, and 
it is to be lamented that any greater severities were made 
use of After all that may be said against these measures, 
it evidently appears that they proceeded not from personal 
hatred and malice against such disordered persons, nor 
from any private sinister views, as is generally the case 
with unjust punishments inflicted in times of party rage 
and discord, whether civil or religious, but merely from a 
false zeal and an erroneous judgment. In support of their 
proceedings, they brought several texts of the Old Testa- 
ment ; ' Come out of her, my people,' &-c. ' If thy bro- 
ther entice thee to serve other gods, thou shalt put him to 
death ;' and * for speaking lies in the name of the Lord, 
his father shall thrust him through when he prophesieth ;' 
and the example of Solomon, who first laid Shimei under 

* One of the sect, apologizing for this behavior, said, " If the 
Lord did stir up any of his daughters to be a sign oif the nakedness 
of others, he believed it to be a great cross to a modest woman's 
spirit, but the Lord must be obeyed." Another quoted the com- 
mand in Isaiali, chap. 20. One Faubord, of Grindleton, carried 
his enthusiasm still higher, and was sacrificing his son in imitation 
of Abraham; but the neighbors, hearing the lad cry, broke open 
the house, and happily prevented it. 



restraint, and then for his breach put him to death ; as 
also many passages of the New Testament, requiring sub- 
jection to magistrates, &lc. ; and thus from a zeal to de- 
fend the holy religion they professed, they went into mea- 
sures directly opposite to its true spirit and the great design 
of publishing it to the world. 

" That I may finish what relates to the Quakers, it 
must be further observed that their friends in England 
solicited, and at length obtained, an order from the king, 
September 9, 16G1, requiring that a stop should be put to 
all capital or corporeal punishment of those of his subjects 
called Quakers, and that such as were obnoxious should 
be sent to England. Whatever opinion they might have 
of the force of orders from the crown controlling the 
laws of the colony, they prudently complied with this 
instruction, and suspended the execution of the laws 
against the Quakers, so far as respected corporeal punish- 
ment, until further order. Indeed, before the receipt of 
this letter, but probably when they were in expectation of 
it, all that were in prison were discharged and sent out of 
the colony. The laws were afterwards revived so far as 
respected vagabond Quakers, whose punishment was limit- 
ed to whipping, and as a further favor, through three towns 
only. But there was little or no room for carrying the 
laws into execution, for after these first excursions they 
became in general an orderly people, submitting to the 
laws, except such as relate to the militia and the support 
of the ministry ; and in their scruples as to those, they 
have from time to time been indulged. At present, they 
are esteemed as being of good morals, friendly and be- 
nevolent in their disposition, and I hope will never meet 
with any further persecution on account of their peculiar 
tenets or customs. May the time never come again, when 
the government shall think that by killing men for their 
religion they do God good service." 

Bacon, speaking of the Quakers w^ho were punished by 
our fathers, says, " The Quakers whom our fathers pun- 
ished were not a sect rising upon the soil of New England, 
and claiming simply the right of separate worship and of 
free discussion. They were invaders who came from Old 
England to New, for the sole and declared purpose of 



disturbance and revolution. They came propagating prin- 
ciples which were understood to strike at tlie foundation 
not only of the particular religious and civil polity here 
established, but of all order and of society itself" 

Again he says, "The real successors of the Quakers 
of that day — the men who come nearest to those enthusi- 
asts in their actual relations to the public — are not to be 
found in those orderly and thrifty citizens of Philadelphia, 
who are distinguislied from their fellow-citizens in Chesnut 
street by a little more circumference of the hat, and a 
little peculiarity of grammar, and perhaps a little more 
quietness and staidness of manner. What we call Quakers 
in this generation, are no more like George Fox in his 
suit of leather, than the pomp and riches of an English 
archbishop are like the poverty of an apostle. Do you 
find these men going about like mad men, reviling magis- 
trates and all in authority, cursing ministers, and publish- 
ing doctrines that strike at the existence of all government ? 
No ; if you would find the true successors of the Quakers 
of 1650, you must look elsewhere." 


Among the various things which agitated and distressed 
the public mind in the days of our fathers, one was the 
supposed prevalence of witchcraft. The term witch, as 
understood in the early days of New England, has been 
thus explained : " There are several words and expressions 
that are sometimes used synonymously with ivitch, although 
they are not strictly synoynmous. The following for in- 
stance : diviner, enchanter, charmer, conjurer, necroman- 
cer, fortune-teller, augur, soothsayer, and sorcerer. None 
of these words convey the same idea our ancestors attached 
to the word loitch. Witch was sometimes especially used 
to signify a female, while wizard was exclusively applied 
to a male. The distinction was not often, however, at- 
tempted to be made — the former title was prevailingly ap- 
plied to either sex. A witch was regarded by our fathers 
as a person who had made an actual, deliberate, and formal 
compact with Satan, by which compact it was agreed that 
she should become his faithful subject, and do what she 



could in promoting his cause, and in consideration of this 
allegiance and service, he on his part agreed to exercise 
his supernatural powers in her favor, and communicate to 
lier a portion of those powers. Thus a witch was con- 
sidered in the light of a person who had transferred alle 
giance and worship from God to the devil. 

"A witch was believed to have the power, through her 
compact with the devil, of afflicting, distressing, and rend- 
ing whomsoever she would. She could cause them to 
pine away, and to suffer almost every description of pain 
and distress. She was also believed to possess the faculty 
of being present in her shape or apparition at a different 
place from that which her actual body occupied. Indeed, 
an almost indefinite amount of supernatural ability, and a 
great freedom and variety of methods for its exercise, 
were supposed to result from the diabolical compact. Those 
upon whom she thus exercised her malignant and mysteri- 
ous energies, were said to be bewitched." 

It seems, at the enlightened period in which we live, 
almost incredible that our ancestors should have imbibed 
a belief so deeply Iraught with delusion, and which led 
them into such criminal measures against their innocent 

A belief in witchcraft appears to have had an early 
existence in New England, as a law was enacted in Mas- 
sachusetts, while the colony was in its infancy, making it a 
capital crime. 

" The first trial that occurred was at Springfield, about 
1645, where several persons were accused of the crime, 
among whom were two children of the minister of the 
place, and great efforts were made to prove them guilty ; 
but they were at last acquitted." 

A person was executed for witchcraft " at Hartford in 
1647, and, within a few years afterwards, another at Strata 
ford, and a third at Fairfield." 

" The first instance of capital punishment for witch- 
craft, in ISIassachusetts, was in the year 1648. Margaret 
Jones, of Charlestown, was indicted for a witch, found 
guilty, and executed." 

" In 1652, Hugh Parsons, of Springfield, being indicted 
for the same crime, was found guilty by the jury ; but the 


magistrates refused to consent to the verdict. The case 
came before the general court, and he was finally declared 
not guilty. About this time a woman at Dorchester, and 
another at Cambridge, were put to death for the crime ; 
and not long after, Ann Hibbins was condemned and exe- 
cuted at Boston." 

"In 1653, a woman in New Haven, finding herself 
talked of as suspected, sued all her neighbors, including 
several of the first people in town, for defamation ; and 
the result was, that while she was herself constrained to 
acknowledge that some things in her conduct were suffi- 
cient to justify suspicion — among which causes of suspi- 
cion was that discontented and froward temper which Mr. 
Davenport in his preaching had described as preparing a 
person to be wrought upon by the devil in this way ; — and 
though she was seriously warned by the court not to go 
about with railing speeches, but to meddle with her own 
business, — the crime of witchcraft could not be made out 
against her. Twice afterwards the same person was called 
in question for this crime ; but in each case, though the 
evidence was sufficient, according to the notions then 
current, to justify suspicion, she escaped condemnation." 

In 1(358, several individuals were accused of the crime 
of witchcraft in Portsmouth. " Stories were circulated of 
witches appearing in the shape of cats, and scorching per 
sons by sudden flashes of fire ; and one of the accused wag 
bound over for trial. The intended prosecution was how- 
ever dropped." 

"In 1692, a great excitement was again revived in New 
England on account of the supposed prevalence of witch- 
craft. It commenced at this time in Danvers, then a part 
of Salem. Near the close of February, several children 
in this place began to act in a peculiar and unaccountable 
manner. Their strange conduct continuing for several 
days, their friends betook themselves to fasting and pray- 
er. During religious exercises, the children were generally 
decent and still ; but after service was ended, they renew- 
ed their former unaccountable conduct. This was deemed 
sufficient evidence that they were laboring under the ' in- 
fluence of an evil hand, or witchcraft.' After a few days, 
these children began to accuse several persons in the viciii- 



ity of bewitching them. Unfortunately they were credited, 
and these suspected persons were seized and imprisoned. 
From this time, this contagion spread rapidly over the 
neighboring country, and soon appeared in various parts 
of Essex, Middlesex, and Suffolk. For a time, those who 
were accused w^ere persons of the lower classes. But, at 
length, some of the first people in rank and character were 
accused of the crime of witchcraft. The evil had now 
become awfully alarming." 

March 2, there was a public examination at the vil- 
lage, and several were committed to prison. March 21, 
the magistrates met in Salem, and Mr. Noyes opened with 
prayer. On the 24th of March they met at the village, 
and Mr. Hale prayed. On the 26th, they met again in 
Salem, and kept the day in fasting and prayer. There was 
another examination at Salem, April 22, and a number 
more imprisoned. June 2, an old woman was tried and 
condemned at Salem, and executed on the 10th, making 
no confession. Five more were tried, June 30th, and ex- 
ecuted, July 19th ; six more were tried, August 6, and all 
executed the 19th, except one woman. One of these was 
Mr. George Burroughs, sometime minister at Wells ; he 
had also preached at the village, but met with great oppo- 
sition. A great number of witnesses appeared at his trial ; 
a specimen of their testimonies may be seen by the follow- 
ing deposition. 

" ' Elizur Keysar, aged about forty years, saith, that on 
Thursday last past, being the 5th of this instant month 
of May, I was at the house of Thomas Beadle, in Salem, 
and Capt. Daniel King being there also at the same time, 
and in the same room, said Capt. Daniel King asked me 
whether I would not go up and see Mr. Burroughs, and 
discourse with him, he being then in one of the chambers 
of the said house. I told him it did not belong to me, and 
I was unwilling to make or meddle with it. Then said 
King said, ' Are you not a christian? If you are a chris- 
tian, go and see him, and discourse with him.' But I told 
him I did believe it did not belong to such as I was to dis- 
course with him, he being a learned man. The said King 
said, I believe he is a child of God, a choice child of God, 
and that God would clear up his innocency. So I told 



him my opinion or fear was, that he was the chief of all 
the persons accused for witchcraft, or the ringleader of 
them all; and told him also, that 1 believed if he was such 
a one, his master (meaning the devil) had told him before 
now what I said of him. And said King seeming to be in 
a passion, I did afterward forbear. The same afternoon, 
1 having occasion to be at said Beadle's house, in the 
chamber where Mr. George Burroughs kept, I observed 
that the said Burroughs did steadfastly fix his eyes upon 
me. The same evening, being in my own house, in a 
room without any light, I did see very strange things ap- 
pear in the chimney, I suppose a dozen of them, which 
seemed to me to be something like jelly that used to be in 
the water, and quivered with a strange motion, and then 
quickly disappeared. Soon after which, I did see a light 
up in the chimney, about the bigness of my hand, some- 
thing above the bar, which quivered and shaked, and 
seemed to have a motion upward, upon which I called the 
maid, and she, looking up the chimney, saw the same ; 
and my wife looking up could not see any thing. So I 
did and do conclude it was some diabolical operation !' " 

Nineteen in all were executed at Salem. 

" During the excitement, the people of Andover suffer- 
ed their share of the alarm and distress which it occa- 
sioned. More than fifty in this town were complained of, 
for afilicting their neighbors and others. Dudley Brad- 
street, Esq., having granted thirty or forty warrants for 
commitments, at length refused to grant any more. He 
and his wife were immediately accused ; he w'as said to 
have killed nine persons by witchcraft. He found it ne- 
cessary for his safety to make his escape. Three persons 
who belonged to Andover were hung for witchcraft, viz., 
Martha Carryer, Samuel Wardell, and Mary Parker." 

Mather gives the following account of the trial of Mar- 
tha Carryer. " Martha Carryer was indicted for the be- 
witching of certain persons, according to the form usual 
in such cases. Pleading not guilty to her indictment, 
there were first brought in a considerable number of the 
bewitched persons, who not only made the court sensible 
of an horrible witchcraft committed upon them, but also 
deposed, that it was Martha Carryer, or her shape, that 



grievously tormented them by biting, pricking, pinching, 
and choking them. It was further deposed that while this 
Carryer was on her examination before the magistrates, 
the poor people were so tortured that every one expected 
their death on the very spot ; but that upon the binding of 
Carjyer they were eased. Moreover, the looks of Carryer 
then laid the afflicted people for dead, and her touch, if 
her eyes were off them, raised them again. Which things 
were also now seen upon her trial. And it was testified, 
that upon the mention of some having their necks twisted 
ahnost round, by the shape of this Carryer, she replied, 
' It's no matter, though their necks had been twisted quite 

" Before the trial of this prisoner, sev/' /al of her own 
children had frankly and fully confessed, not only that they 
were witches themselves, but that their mother had made 
them so. This confession they made with great shows of 
repentance, and with demonstration of truth. They re- 
lated place, time, occasion ; they gave an account of jour- 
neys, meetings, and mischiefs by them performed ; and 
were very credible in what they said. Nevertheless, this 
evidence was not produced against the prisoner at the bar, 
inasmuch as there was other evidence enough to proceed 

" Benjamin Abbot gave in his testimony, that last March 
was a twelvemonth, this Carryer was very angry with him, 
upon laying out some land near her husband's. Her ex- 
pressions in this anger were, that she would stick as close 
to Abbot as the bark stuck to the tree ; and that he should 
repent of it before seven years came to an end, so as Dr. 
Prescot should never cure him. These words were heard 
by others besides Abbot himself, who also heard her say 
she would hold his nose as close to the grindstone as ever 
it was held since his name was Abbot. Presently after 
this, he was taken with a swelling in his foot, and then 
with a pain in his side, and exceedingly tormented. It 
bred a sore, which was lanced by Dr. Prescot, and several 
gallons of corruption ran out of it. For six weeks it con- 
tinued very bad ; and then another sore bred in his groin, 
which was also lanced by Dr. Prescot. Another sore bred 
in his groin, which was likewise cut, and put him to very 



great misery. lie was brought to death's door, and so re 
mained until Carryer was taken and carried away by the 
constable. From which very day he began to mend, and 
so grew better every day, and is well ever since. 

" Sarah Abbot, his wife, also testified that her husband 
was not only all this while afflicted in his body ; but also 
that strange, extraordinary and unaccountable calamities 
befel his cattle, their death being such as they could guess 
no natural reason for. 

" Allin Toothaker testified that Richard, the son of 
Martha Carryer, having some difference with him, pulled 
him down by the hair of the head ; when he rose again, he 
was going to strike at Richard Carryer, but fell down flat 
on his back to the ground, and had not power to stir hand 
or foot, until he told Carryer he yielded, and then he saw 
the shape of Martha Carryer go off his breast. 

" This Toothaker had received a wound in the wars, 
and he now testified, that Martha Carryer told him he 
should never be cured. Just before the apprehending of 
Carryer, he could thrust a knitting needle into his wound 
four inches deep ; but presently after her being seized, he 
was thoroughly healed. 

He further testified that when Carryer and he some- 
times were at variance, she would clap her hands at him, 
and say, ' he would get nothing by it.' Whereupon he 
several times lost his cattle by strange deaths, whereof no 
natural causes could be given. 

" John Roger also testified that upon the threatening 
words of this malicious Carryer, his cattle would be strange- 
ly bewitched, as was more particularly then described. 

" Samuel Preston testified that aljout two years ago, 
having some diflference with Martha Carryer, he lost a cow 
in a strange, preternatural, unusual manner ; and about a 
month after this, the said Carryer having again some differ- 
ence with him, she told him he had lately lost a cow, and 
it should not be long before he lost another ! which ac- 
cordingly came to pass, for he had a thriving and well-kept 
cow, whichj without any known cause, quickly fell down 
and died. 

" Phebe Chandler testified that about a fortnight before 
the apprehension of Martha Carryer, on a Lord's dej. 



while the psalm was singing in the church, this Carryer 
then took her by the shoulder, and, shaking her, asked her 
where she lived. She made her no answer, although as 
Carryer, who lived next door to her father's house, could 
not in reason but know who she was. Quickly after this, 
as she was at several times crossing the fields, she heard a 
voice that she took to be Martha Carryer's, and it seemed 
as if it were over her head. The voice told her ' she 
should within two or three days be poisoned.' Accordingly, 
within such a little time, one half of her right hand became 
greatly swollen and very painful, as also part of her face, 
whereof she can give no account how it came. It con- 
tinued very bad for some days ; and several times since 
she has had a great pain in her breast, and been so seized 
on her limbs that she has hardly been able to go. She 
added, that lately going well to the house of God, Rich- 
ard, the son of Martha Carryer, looked very earnestly 
upon her, and immediately her hand which had formerly 
been poisoned, as is above said, began to pain her greatly, 
and she had a strange burning in her stomach ; but was 
then struck deaf, so that she could not hear any of the 
prayer, or singing, till the two or three last words of the 

"One Foster, who confessed her own share in the 
witchcraft for which the prisoner stood indicted, affirmed, 
that she had seen the prisoner at some of their witch 
meetings, and that it was this Carryer who persuaded her 
to be a witch. She confessed that the devil carried them 
on a pole to a witch meeting; but the pole broke, and she 
hanging about Carryer's neck, they both fell down, and 
she then received a hurt by the fall, whereof she was not 
at this very time recovered. 

"One Lacy, wlio likewise confessed her share in this 
witchcraft, now testified that she and the prisoner were 
once bodily present at a witch meeting in Salem village, 
and that she knew the prisoner to be a w^itch, and to have 
been at a diabolical sacrament, and that the prisoner was 
the undoing of her and her children, by enticing them into 
the snare of the devil. 

"Another Lacy, who also confessed lier share in this 
witchcraft, now testified that the prisoner was at the witch 



meeting in Salem village, where they liad bread and wine 
administered to them. 

" In the time of this prisoner's trial, one Susanna Shel- 
don, in open court, had her hands unaccountably tied 
together with a wheel-band, so fast, that without cutting, 
it could not be loosened. It was done by a spectre, and 
the sufferer affirmed it was the prisoner's." 

These depositions show what strange and monstrous 
notions were entertained upon this subject. There were, 
however, several things existing in those times which in 
some measure account for these wild sallies of the imagi* 

Dr. Holmes, speaking of the opinions of our fathers in 
relation to witchcraft, says, " This part of the history of 
our country furnishes an affecting proof of the imbecility 
of the human mind, and of the potent influence of the 
passions. The culture of sound philosophy, and the dis- 
semination of useful knowledge, have a happy tendency 
to repress chimerical theories, with their delusive and 
miserable effects. The era of English learning had scarce- 
ly commenced. Laws then existed in England against 
witches ; and the authority of Sir Mathew Hale, who was 
revered in New England, not only for his knowledge in 
the law, but for his gravity and piety, had doubtless great 
influence. The trial of the witches in Suffolk, in Eng- 
land, was published in 1684 ; and there was so exact a 
resemblance between the Old England demons and the 
New, that it can hardly be doubted the arts of the design- 
ing were borrowed, and the credulity of the populace 
augmented, from the parent country. The gloomy state 
of New England probably facilitated the delusion, for 
* superstition flourishes in times of danger and dismay.' 
The distress of the colonists at this time was great. The 
sea-coast was infested with privateers. The inland fron- 
tiers, east and west, were continually harassed by the 
French and Indians. The abortive expedition to Canada 
had exposed the country to the resentment of France, 
the effects of which were perpetually dreaded, and, at the 
same time, had incurred a heavy debt. The old charter 
was gone, and what evils would be introduced by the new, 


wliich was very reluctantly received by many, time only 
could determine, but fear might forebode. 

" How far these causes, operating in a wilderness that 
was scarcely cleared up, might have contributed toward 
the infatuation, it is difficult to determine. It were inju- 
rious, however, to consider New England as peculiar in 
this culpable credulity, with its sanguinary effects; for 
more persons have been put to death for witchcraft in a 
single county in England, m a short space of time, than 
have suffered, for the same cause, in all New England 
since its first settlement." 

That the people were under a delusion is evident. Morse 
and Parish, in their History of New England, after a re- 
lation of facts respecting the subject of witchcraft, make 
the following remarks : — 

" If we can be convinced by the uniform protestations 
of those executed, or the confessions of numbers who had 
been accusers, or the deliberate recantations of others 
who had confessed themselves witches, or the universal 
conviction of error in the minds of those who had been 
leading actors in these awful scenes, or the entire change 
of public opinion, we shall be satisfied that the whole ori- 
ginated in folly and delusion. All these are facts. All 
those executed, the first excepted, protested their inno- 
cence with their dying breath, when a confession would 
have saved their lives. Several years after, persons who 
had been accusers, when admitted to the church, con- 
fessed their delusion in such conduct, and asked ' pardon 
for having brought the guilt of innocent blood on the land.' 
The following is an extract from the confession of six 
persons belonging to Andover, who had owned themselves 
witches : — ' We were all seized as prisoners ; knowing 
ourselves altogether innocent, we were all exceedingly 
astonished and amazed, and affrighted out of our reason, 
and our dearest relations, seeing us in this dreadful con- 
dition, and knowing our great danger, apprehending there 
was no other way to save our lives, persuaded us to con- 
fess ; we said any thing and every thing which they de- 

On the day of a public fast, in the south meeting- 
house of Boston, one of the judges, who had been con^ 



ceriied in the condemnation of these unhappy victims at 
Salem, delivered in a paper, and while it v/as reading stood 
up ; it was to desire prayers, &,c. ' being apprehensive he 
might have fallen into some errors at Salem.' 

" The following is from the declaration of twelve men, 
who had been jurymen at some of these trials. * We do 
therefore signify our deep sense of, and sorrow for, our 
errors in acting on such evidence ; we pray that we may 
be considered candidly and aright, by the living sufferers, 
as being then under the power of a strong and general 
delusion.' Mr. Parris, who was active in the prosecution, 
and evidently a serious and conscientious man, in his pub- 
lic confession, November 26, 1694, says, * I do acknow- 
ledge, upon after consideration, that were the same trou- 
bles again to happen, which the Lord of his mercy forever 
prevent, I should not agree with my former apprehensions 
in all points ; as for instance,' 6lc. 

" Martha Cory, a member of the church in Salem vil- 
lage, admitted April 27, 1690, was, after examination upon 
suspicion of witchcraft, March 21, 1692, committed to 
prison, and condemned to the gallows yesterday. This 
day in public, by general consent, she was voted to be 
excommunicated out of the church. The following will 
show, in a most affecting manner, the light in which the 
church viewed this vote ten years after. In December, 
1702, the pastor spoke to the church on the sabbath as 
followeth. ' Brethren, I find in your church book a record 
of Martha Cory's being excommunicated for witchcraft ; 
and the generality of the land being sensible of the errors 
that prevailed in that day, some of her friends have moved 
me several times to propose to this church, whether it be 
not our duty to recal that sentence, that so it may not 
stand against her to all generations. And I myself being 
a stranger to her, and being ignorant of what was alleged 
against her, I shall now only leave it to your consideration, 
and shall determine the matter by a vote the next conve- 
nient opportunity.' February I4th, the pastor moved the 
church to revoke Martha Cory's excommunication : a 
majority voted for revoking it.' So deep was the people's 
sense of the errors of those transactions, that a great part 
of Mr. Parris' congregation could not persuade themselves 


to sit under his ministry. Accordingly, after great diffi- 
culty, after a respectable council had labored in vain for 
their reconciliation, after an arbitration respecting the 
business, Mr. Parris was dismissed, July 24, 1697, as the 
aggrieved state to the arbitrators, ' for being an instrument 
o their miseries.' " 


The year 1735 is commonly regarded as the commence- 
ment of " the great revival," as it is termed, with which 
the churches in New England were visited about the mid 
die of the last century. With the exception of one sea 
son of declension, it continued for several years. The 
most remarkable display of divine grace was in 1740 and 

Believing that it would be interesting and profitable to 
many, to learn the sentiments of those ministers who were 
laborers together with God in this revival, we copy the fol- 
lowing from a pamphlet, entitled, " The testimony and 
ADVICE of an Assembly of Pastors of Churches in 
New England, at a meeting in Boston, July Ith, 1743. 
Occasioned hy the late happy revival of religion in many 
parts of the Land. To tvhich are added attestations, con- 
tained in letters from a niimher of their Brethren, who 
were providentially hindered from giving their presence." 

" The present work seems to be remarkable on account 
of the numbers wrought upon. We never before saw so 
many brought under soul concern, and with distress ma- 
king the inquiry, ' What must we do to be saved V And 
these persons of all characters and ages. W^ith regard to 
the suddenness and quick progress of it. — Many persons 
and places were surprised with the gracious visit together, 
or near about the same time ; and the heavenly iniiuence 
diffused itself far and wide, like the light of the morning. 
Also, in respect to the degree of operation, both in a way 
of terror, and in a way of consolation ; attended, in many, 
with unusual bodily effects. 

" Not that all, who are accounted the subjects of the 
present work, have had these extraordinary degrees of 



previous distress and subsequent joy. But many, and we 
suppose the greater number, have been wrought on in a 
more gentle and silent way. 

"As to those whose inward concern has occasioned ex- 
traordinary outward distresses, the most of them were able 
to give, what appeared to us, a rational account of what 
so aifected their minds; viz., a quick sense of their guilt, 
misery, and danger : and they would often mention the 
passages in the sermons they heard, or particular texts of 
scripture, which were set home upon them with such a 
powerful impression. And as to such whose joys have 
carried them into transports and ecstasies, they, in like 
manner, have accounted for them, from a lively sense of 
the danger they hoped they were freed from, and the hap- 
piness they were now possessed of ; such clear views of 
divine and heavenly things, and particularly of the excellen- 
cies and loveliness of Jesus Christ, and such sweet tastes of 
redeeming love, as they never had before. The instances 
were very few in which we had reason to think these af- 
fections were produced by visionary or sensible represen- 
tations, or by any other images than such as the scripture 
itself presents unto us. 

''And here we think it not amiss to declare, that in deal 
ing with these persons, we have been careful to inform 
them that the nature of conversion does not consist in 
these passionate feelings, and to warn them not to look 
upon their state safe, because they have passed out of deep 
distress into high joys, unless they experience a renovation 
of nature, followed with a change of life and a course of 
vital holiness. 

" JMany who appeared to be under convictions, and v/ere 
much altered in their external behavior, when this work 
began, and while it was most flourishing, have lost their 
impressions, and are relapsed into their former manner of 
iife. Yet, of those who were judged hopefully converted, 
and made a public profession of religion, there have been 
fewer instances of scandal and apostasy than might be ex- 
pected, — So that, as far as we are able to form a judgment, 
the face of religion is lately changed much for the better, 
in many of our towns and congregations; and together 
with a reformation observable in divers instances, there 


[chap. XIII. 

rippears to be more experimental godliness and lively Chris- 
tianity, than the most of us can remember we have ever 
seen before. 

Thus we have freely declared our thoughts as to the 
work of God so remarkably revived in many parts of this 
land. And now we desire to boic the Icnce in thanksgiving 
to the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, that our 
eyes have seen, and our cars heard, such things." 

To this testimony, the names of sixty-eight pastors of 
churches are annexed. 

The following communications were made by pastors 
who were providentially hindered from being present. 

From the Rev. John Rogers, senior Pastor of the first 
Chureh in Ipswich. 

" Rev. and dear Brethren, ^ 
" I shall, on the very day of your proposed meeting, 
viz., July 7th, (God continuing my life till that day,) enter 
on the seventy-eighth year of my age, and in the fifty- 
fourth of my ministry. And now I desire, as I have the 
utmost reason, to bless God, who has given m.e to see a day 
of such marvellous power and grace, particularly in this 
place, and since the Rev. Messrs. Whitfield and Tennent 
came among us ; wherein great numbers of our young 
people, and others of more advanced age, give clear evi- 
dence of a saving change wrought in them, and by the 
fruits of the Spirit show that they are born of the Spirit ; 
and many persons of christian experience before, have been 
greatly revived, enriched with grace, established, andcom 
forted by a new influence, in and through the word read 
and preached. This I have found by my best observation 
in general and more intimate conversation with many of 
those scores, yea, I think I may say hundreds, living here 
and in the neighborhood, and with several from distant 
places, who universally speak the sam.e language, all giving 
testimony by their experience to the truth of the gospel 
and doctrines of grace. Such things, my brethren, and 
many others which might be mentioned, call for our most 
public, grateful acknowledgments, and high praises to the 
sovereign Lord and gracious Head of his church." 



From the Rev. Jcreniiali Wse, Pastor of the Church in 

Berwick, July 1, 1743. 

Rev. and dear Brethren, 
" It was my design to have attended the Convention. 
But I am prevented by my infirmities. However, it shall 
be my daily prayer to the glorious Head of the church, 
that you all may be under the guidance and influence 
of the divine Spirit in all your proceedings. I shall also 
be ready to join with the friends of the present glorious 
work of the grace of God in the land in bearing testi- 
mony to it, as such a ivork ; and to concur with them in 
the most proper methods to remove disorders, and prevent 
the spreading and increase of errors; especially Arminian 
and Antinomian ; the latter of which begin to appear 
barefaced as well as the former, in some places.'' 

From the Rev. Peter Thaclier, Pastor of the first Church 

in Midclkborough. 

" Rev. and dear Brethren, _ " J^««e 30, 1743. 

Being prevented the opportunity of giving an oral 
testimony of the truth and reality of the extraordinary 
work the Lord has lately appeared in among us, in con- 
vincing and converting sinners, building up, comforting 
and sealing the converted, I embrace this way to do it, in 
which I shall confine myself to what I have seen and been 
acquainted with, among the people of my charge, though 
I micrht speak of the same in other places. 

" There have been above two hundred in a judgment of " 
charity, savingly wrought on, since November, 1741. 
Divers before that had been met with under the ministry 
of the Rev. Daniel Rogers, and the Rev. Mr. Wheelock 
not included in this number. But on one day in Novem- 
ber aforesaid, above eighty were pricked in the heart by 
a sermon from Rom, viii. 1, had here from Rev. Josiah 
Crocker. Scarce a sermon delivered after that wonderful 
day, but the hearts of some seem to be reached by con- 
viction, conversion, or consolation. This revival of the 
power of godliness appears to be the genuine work of the 
Holy Spirit accompanying his word, and in answer to a 



spirit of prayer, poured out from God to plead with faith 
in Christ for this good. Spiritual things are now treated 
and felt as realities. 

" The Arminians were by the converts universally de- 
tected and detested. The doctrines of grace shining into 
the understanding, are defended and earnestly contended 
for, from inward experience. The Holy Scriptures are 
made the standard to try and examine truth ; which are 
now carefully searched and esteemed above gold ; and 
those principles that will not bear the trial by this rule, are 
rejected. A general and humble willingness to ministerial 
instructions, eagerly sought and attended on ; yet without 
giving up their understandings. God's worship, public, 
private, and secret, attended, and otherwise attended than 
ever. The prayerless are prayerful ; the loose, strict ; 
the ordinances humbly sought, devoutly attended on. I 
believe I have seen at one administration two hundred 
tasting the sweetness of redeeming love at one instant. 
Indeed, Christ is now precious, breathed after, esteemed, 
and pathetically recommended in life and conversation, 
relied on, rejoiced in. Their lives are reformed, as well 
as principles scripturally renewed. The drunkard is so- 
ber — the churl peaceful ; personal feuds, that had been 
subsisting more than eleven years, are buried ; and love 
takes place and power, where envy and malice and hatred 
formerly ruled. Restitution in many places made; in 
more, the wrongs acknowledged. In a word, all the fruits 
of the Spirit are visible in the converts. This is evidently 
the Lord's doing ; it is marvclluus in on?' ei/es." 

From the Rev. WiUihm Shiirtlcff, Pastor of the second 
Church in Portsmouth^ N. H. 

* Rev. and dear Brethren, 
There has, for some time past, plainly appeared to be 
a remarkable revival of religion and a marvellous work 
of grace going on in Portsmouth, the place in which I am 
called to labor in the gospel ministry. Among the very 
many that have been awakened and deeply convinced, 
there is a goodly number who are giving all the evidence 
that can be expected of a real and saving change." 



From six of the Rev. Pastors of the Association in the 
County of York, Me. 

** Rev. and beloved Bre-thren, 

" We, the subscribers, pastors of the Eastern Associa- 
tion, taking into serious consideration the state of religion 
in our several charges, and throughout the land at this 
day, look on ourselves as bound in the most express man- 
ner to declare ourselves in respect thereto. 

*' And inasmuch as it incontestibly appears to us from 
what we have seen among ourselves, and in other places, 
that by an extraordinary divine influence, there hath been 
a happy revival of religion in our land; we dare not but 
publicly speak out our grateful sense thereof, to the honor 
of the free and sovereign grace of God.'' 

From seven Rev. Pastors in the County of Hampshire ; 
one of whom ivas Rev. Jonathan Edwards, of North- 

" Rev. and beloved Brethren, 

• We, whose names are subscribed to this, would hereby 
signify that according to what understanding we have of 
the nature of Christianity, and the observation we have 
had opportunity to make, we judge that there has been, 
within the last two years and a half, a blessed outpouring 
of the Spirit of God in this county, in awakening and 
converting sinners, and in enlightening, quickening and 
building up saints in faith, holiness and comfort ; which 
has been attended in great numbers with an abiding alter- 
ation and reformation of disposition and behavior. And 
particularly would we hereby declare, to the glory of God's 
grace, that we judge that there has been a happy revival 
of religion in the congregations that have been committed 
to our pastoral care, and that there are many in them that 
by abiding manifestations of a serious, religious and hum- 
ble spirit, and a consistent care and watchfulness in their 
behavior toward God and man, give all grounds of charity 

•towards them as having been sincere in the professions 
they have made." 




[cifAP. XIII. 

From the Rev. Daniel Putnam, Pastor of the second 
Church in Reading. 

"June 30, 1743. 

" Rev. and dear Brethren, 
"Sometime in the beginning of March, 1742, under a 
sense of the great decay of religion among us, kept a 
day of fasting and prayer, to seek to God for the pouring 
out of his Spirit upon us ; and God was pleased out of his 
abundant grace to give us speedy answers of prayer. For 
the space of five or six weeks, more or less of my people, 
younger and elder, came to my house every day in the 
week except sabbaths, and manifestly under a work of 
conviction, deeply concerned for the state of their souls, 
and many of them expressing themselves in these words : 
O sir, what shall I do, what shall I do, to get rid of my 
sins? Complaining of the load of guilt on their con- 
sciences, and of the power of sin in their souls, of the 
hardness of their hearts, and of the sense of God's wrath 
due to them ; and some signifying to me that they even 
How felt what they only before knew as by hearsay ; that 
the heart is so desperately wicked, and by nature so unfit 
for heaven. Some, when they heard mention made of 
Christ and of the mercy of God, I cannot relate the great- 
ness of the distress that it put them into, to consider that 
their sins were against such mercy and such love ! Most 
of these, we have grounds to hope, have since been as fully 
convinced of righteousness as of judgment ; of the all- 
sufficiency of Christ as Priest and King, as they were con - 
vinced of their sins and misery before : and we charitably 
hope, have experienced in him through the merits of his 
righteousness, and the power of his grace, the rest that he 
gives to such weary souls as receive him with their whole 
heart; and there has been a large addition to the church, 
considering the number of the people. And not only has 
this been the happy case of some that were without the 
visible church, but even several of tlie members of the 
church have been deeply concerned about the state of their 
souls, and I hope it has been for their everlasting good. 
The Spirit of God has, in mercy to our souls, been as a 
refining fire in this respect, I trust I can say ; and has 



searched this Jerusalem as with candles ; and I hope that 
both foolish and wise have been awakened now while oil 
and increase thereof may be had. One instance in par- 
ticular; a sister of our church, aged nindy-onc years, 
who hath been under desertion even to a very great de- 
gree for above twenty years, (who was esteemed convert- 
ed in youth,) she, in this time, hath been favored with 
the light of God's countenance, to her abundant joy, and 
remains so. — As to my people generally, there has been, 
and I hope remains a reformation in many respects which 
might be mentioned. And my thoughts of the work of 
God among us, are still the same; that it calls for a public 
acknowledgment to the praise of God." 

From Rev. Oliver Peabody^ Pastor of the Church at 

Juhj 4, 174^S. 

Rev. and dear Brethren, 
" I freely profess that I believe there has been a very 
remarkable and glorious work of God in many parts of 
this land of late years, and it is still in some measure going 
on. There have been very observable strivings of the 
ever blessed Spirit on the hearts of many, especially young 
people, in convincing and enlightening, and I hope con- 
verting them ; in neighboring towns ; as in Medneld, Ded- 
liam, Needham, Medway and Sherburne, &lc. where the 
ministers have been lively and faithful. And among my 
little people, (I would mention it to the glory of the rich 
grace, and of the blessed Spirit of God) there have been 
very apparent strivings and operations of the Holy Ghost, 
among Indians and English, young and old, male and fe- 
male. There have been added to our church (of such as 
I hope shall be saved) about fifty persons of different na- 
tions, during the two years previous to last March, whose 
lives in general witness to the sincerity of their professions. 
Here, we have never had any crying out in extraordinary 
manner, but the Holy Spirit has been pleased to work in 
a more calm way; but I hope effectually." 



[chap. XIII 

From Rev. Mr. M^Gregore, Pastor of the second Church 
in Londonderry J N. H. 

"July 19, 1743. 

" Rev. and dear Brethren, 
*' As to the remarkable religious appearances that have 
been in various parts of our land ; these two or three years 
last by gone ; as far as my personal knowledge has reached, 
I look upon these religious appearances in the general, to 
be the happy effects of Divine influence : I have had an 
opportunity of being personally and particularly acquaint- 
ed with a great number of those who have been the sub- 
jects of religious concern, in this acceptable year of the 
Lord ; and when I hear them declare what they have expe- 
rienced on their own souls with respect to conviction, 
humiliation, illumination of the mind in the knowledge 
of Christ, together with a happy consequent change they 
experience in the will and affections, and withal observe 
the correspondency of their lives, with their professed 
experience; I am unavoidably led to conclude, in a judg- 
ment of charity, of many of them, that they have really 
undergone a saving change. I have noticed with peculiar 
pleasure, a great thirst after doctrinal knowledge, a greater 
insight into their own hearts, and a love growing more 
and more in knowledge and in all judgment." 

From twelve Rev. Pastors of Churches in Connecticut. 

"June 19, 1743. 

" Rev. and beloved Brethren, 
"We take this opportunity to signify to you that, for 
our own parts, we are abundantly satisfied that there has 
of late, for about three years past, been a great and won- 
derful revival of religion in the several places to which 
we minister, and in divers others which we are acquainted 
with; wherein, through the mighty power and grace of 
God, great numbers of persons of all sorts, but especially 
young people, have been greatly awakened, deeply con- 
vinced of sin ; and many, so far as we can judge upon 
careful examination and observation, truly humbled at the 
foot of a sovereign and righteous God, and savingly brought 
to believe on the Lord Jesus Christ for everlasting life ; 



and have since lived so as to give credit and confirDiatioii 
to their pretensions ; and do now adorn their profession 
in an humble, lioly life and christian conversation, walk- 
ing in the fear and love of God, and bringing forth fruits 
meet for repentance, and in the exercise of the graces aud 
virtues of the christian life." 

Several other pastors gave in their written attestation to 
the reality, power, and glory of this wonderful work of 
divine grace. 


January 10th, 1765, the British government passed " the 
notorious stamp act, imposing a stamp duty on the colo- 
nies, and requiring all the legal written instruments in use 
among a commercial people, and even licenses for mar- 
riage, to be executed on stamped paper, charged with 

This act," says Dr. Holmes, which was to take effect 
on the first of November, excited throughout the colonies 
a most serious alarm. It was viewed as a violation of the 
British constitution, and as destructive to the first prin- 
ciples of liberty ; and combinations against its execution 
were every where- formed. The house of burgesses in 
Virginia, which was in session when intelligence of the 
act was received, passed several spirited resolutions, assert- 
ing the colonial rights, and denying the claim of parlia- 
mentary taxation. The legislatures of several other colo- 
nies passed similar resolutions. The assembly of Massa- 
chusetts, besides passing resolutions opposed to the claims 
of the British parliament, proposed a congress of deputies 
from each colony, to consult on the common interest. On 
the first Tuesday in October, the time proposed by the 
Massachusetts assembly, a congress, consisting of twenty- 
eight delegates from the assemblies of Massachusetts, 
Rhode Island, and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, 
New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the Delaware 
counties, Maryland, and South Carolina, was formed at 
New York. The first measure of the congress was a 
declaration of the rights and liberties of natural-born sub- 
jects within the kingdom of Great Britain ; among the 



most essential of which are, the exclusive power to tax 
themselves, and the privilege of a trial hy jury. The 
grievance chiefly complained of, was the act granting 
certain stamp duties and other duties in the British colo- 
nies, which, hy taxing the colonists without their consent, 
and by extending the jurisdiction of courts of admiralty, 
was declared to have a direct tendency to subvert their 
rights and liberties A petition to the king, and a memo- 
rial to each house of parliament, were also agreed on ; 
and it was recommended to the several colonies to appoint 
special agents, who should unite their utmost endeavors in 
soliciting redress of grievances. The colonies that were 
prevented from sending representatives to the congress, 
forwarded to England petitions, similar to those adopted 
by that body. 

In the mean time the people, in various parts of the 
colonies, assumed the controversy without waiting the 
result of legitimate measures. In August, the effigy of 
Andrew Oliver, Esq., the proposed distributor of stamps 
in Massachusetts, was found hanorinsr on a tree, afterward 
well known by the name of Liberty Tree, accompanied 
with emblems designatinor Lord Bute, and the wicked 
motives of the obnoxious acts of parliament. At night 
the images were taken down, and carried on a bier, amidst 
the acclamations of an immense collection of people, 
through the court-house, down King street, to a small 
brick building, supposed to have been erected by Mr. 
Oliver for the reception of the stamps. This building 
was soon levelled with the ground, and the rioters, pro- 
ceeding to Fort Hill to burn the pageantry, next assaulted 
Mr. Oliver's house, which stood near that hill, and having 
broken the windows, entered it, and destroyed part of the 
furniture. The next day, Mr. Oliver authorized several 
gentlemen to announce on the exchange that he had de- 
clined having any concern with the office of stamp-master ; 
but in the evening a bonfire was made, and a repetition 
of this declaration exacted of him. 

" On the 26th of the same month, the tumults were 
renewed. The rioters assembled in King street, and pro- 
ceeded to the house of William Story, Esq., deputy regis- 
tei of the court of admiralty, whose private papers, as 



well as the records and files of the court, were destroyed. 
The house of Benjamin Hallowell, Jun. Esq., comptroller 
of the customs, was next entered and purloined. Intoxi- 
cated by liquors found in the cellar, the rioters, with in- 
flamed rage, directed their course to the house of Lieu- 
tenant-governor Hutchinson, whose family was instantly 
dispersed, and who, after attempting in vain to secure 
himself within doors, was also constrained to depart, by 
secret passages, to save his life. By four in the morning, 
one of the best houses in the province was completely in 
ruins, nothing remaining but the bare walls and floors 
The plate, family pictures, most of the furniture, the 
wearing apparel, about nine hundred pounds sterling in 
money, and the manuscripts and books which Mr. Hutchin- 
son had been thirty years collecting, beside many public 
papers in custody, were either carried ofl" or destroyed. 

The town of Boston, the next day, voted unanimously, 
that the selectmen and magistrates be desired to use their 
utmost endeavors, agreeably to law, to repress the like 
disorders for the future, and that the freeholders and other 
inhabitants would do every thing in their power to assist 

" The first day of November, on which the stamp act 
was to begin its operation, was ushered in at Boston by 
the tolling of bells. Many shops and stores were shut 
Efiigies of the authors and friends of the act were carried 
about the streets, and afterward torn in pieces by the 

"Massachusetts was not alone. The obnoxious act 
received similar, though less flagrant, treatment in the 
other colonies. On the 24th of August a gazette extraor- 
dinary was published at Providence, with Vox Populi, 
Vox Dei, for a frontispiece. Effigies were exhibited, and, 
in the evening, cut down and burnt. Three days after, 
the people of Newport conducted three effigies of obnox- 
ious persons in a car, with halters about their necks, to a 
gallows near the town-house, where they were hung, and 
after a while cut down, and burnt amidst the acclamations 
of thousands. 

"On the last day of October, a body of people from 
the country approached the town of Portsmouth, N. H., 



in the apprehension that the stamps would be distributed; 
but, on receiving assurance that there was no such inten- 
tion, they quietly returned: The next morning, all the 
bells in Portsmouth, Newcastle, and Greenland, were 
tolled, to denote the decease of Liberty ; and in the course 
of the day notice was given to her friends to attend her 
funeral. A coffin, neatly ornamented, and inscribed with 
' Liberty, aged CXLV years,' * was prepared for the 
funeral procession, which began from the state-house, 
attended with two unbraced drums. Minute guns were 
fired until the corpse arrived at the grave, when an ora- 
tion was pronounced in honor of the deceased. Scarcely 
was the oration concluded, when, some remains of life 
having been discovered, the corpse was taken up. The 
inscription on the lid of the coffin was immediately altered 
to Liberty revived; the bells suddenly struck a cheerful 
sound, and joy appeared again in every countenance." 

"In Connecticut, Mr. Ingersoll, the constituted dis- 
tributor of stamps, was exhibited in effigy in the month ot 
August ; and the resentment at length became so general 
and alarming, that he resigned his office." 

" Although, by the resignation of the stamp officers, 
the colonists were laid under legal inabilities for doincp 
business under parliamentary laws, yet they adventured to 
do it, and risked the consequences. Vessels sailed from 
ports as before, and the courts of justice, though suspended 
awhile in most of the colonies, at length proceeded to 
business without stamps. 

The stamp act led the colonists to discuss the subject 
of their rights ; and, this year, there was printed an essay 
written by James Otis, Esq., of Boston, entitled, 'Rights 
of the British colonies asserted and proved.' 

" The decided opposition of the American colonists to 
the stamp act, rendered it necessary for Great Britain 
either to enforce or repeal it. Each of these measures 
had advocates. Among the foremost to vindicate the 
colonies were Lord Camden, in the house of peers, and 
Mr. Pitt, in the house of commons. * My position is this,' 
said Lord Camden, * I repeat it, I will maintain it to my 

* Computed from the first landing at Plymouth, in 1620. 



last hour ; taxation and representation are inseparable. 
This position is founded on the laws of nature. It is 
more — it is itself an eternal law of nature. For whatever 
is a man's own, it is absolutely his own. No man has a 
right to take it from him, without his consent. Whoever 
attempts to do it, attempts an injury ; whoever does it, 
commits a robbery.' Pitt, in his bold, original manner, 
said in parliament, 'You have no right to tax America. 
I rejoice that America has resisted. Three millions of 
our fellow-subjects, so lost to every sense of virtue as 
tamely to give up their liberties, would be fit instruments 
to make slaves of the rest.' He concluded his speech by 
advising that the stamp act be repealed, absolutely , totally ^ 
and immediately ; that the reason of the repeal be as- 
signed, that it ivas founded on an erroneous irrinciple. 
* At the same time,' subjoined he. Met the sovereign au- 
thority of this country over the colonies be asserted in as 
strong terms as can be devised, and be made to extend to 
every point of legislation whatever, that we may bind their 
trade, confine their manufactures, and exercise every 
power except that of taking their money out of their 
pockets, without their consent.' 

" On the eighteenth of March, the stamp act was re- 
pealed by the British government. News of this repeal 
excited great joy in America, where it was celebrated by 
the ringing of bells, fireworks, and festivals." 



Allen, Miss, preservation of, 210 
Ancient customs, Amherst, 

N.H 363 

Ancient customs, Beverly,. 361 

Ancient customs, Lynn, 362 

Ancient houses and trees,.. 364 
Ancient Indian burying- 

grounds, 322, 323 

Anecdote by Dr. Dwight,..295 
Anecdote of Gen. Winslow,354 
Annav/on, Indian chief, cap- 
ture of, 234 

Antiquities at Pilgrim Hall, 357 
Arabella, Lady, death of, . . . 24 
Arms borne on the sabbath,. 337 
Atherton, Rev. Mr., preser- 
vation of, 188 

Aurora Borealis, 371 

Barnstable, first church at,. 260 

Bears, stories of, 347 — 350 

Benevolence, nature of, ... . 10 
Berwick, Me., attacked by 

Indians, 77 

Bible first printed in New 

England, 301 

Bickford, Thomas, strata- 
gem of, 75 

Blackstone, Rev. Mr., apple- 
trees planted by, 370 

Blake, Nathan, taken by 

Indians, 106 

Blake, Sergeant, stories of,. 229 

Boston, settlement of, 24 

Brackett, Mr. and Mrs., es- 
cape of, 191 

BradforjJ, Mrs., drowned, ... 18 
Bradley's garrison, Indian 

attack on, 91 

Bradley, Isaac, a lad taken 
by Indians, 172 


Bradley, Mrs., heroism of, . . 91 
Bradstreet, Col., taken by In- 
dians, 318 

Brewster, Elder, patience of, 35 
Brock, Rev. John, story of,. 328 
Brookfield, Indian attack on, 63 
Brooks, Mrs., killed by In- 
dians, 117 

Bulkley, Rev. Mr., anecdote 

of, 346 

Burroughs, .Tohn, adven- 
tures of, 353 

Burroughs, Rev. Mr., exe- 
cuted for witchcraft, 384 

Butterfield, Samuel, preser- 
vation of, 198 

Cambridge College founded,300 

Canada, origin of the name, 303 

Canine attachment and fide- 
lity, 328 

Captives, Indian, treatment 
of, 317 

Cattle first brought to New 
England, 22 

Carr, James, killed by In- 
dians, 328 

Carryer, Mrs., trial of, 385 

Carver, John, chosen gov- 
ernor, 14 

Charter obtained by Plym- 
outh colony, 34 

Charter, Connecticut, se- 
cretion of, 345 

Charter Oak, 345 

Child of Mrs. Parsons, pre- 
servation of a, 108 

Church, Capt., gallant con- 
duct of, 67, 87,231,239 

Church organized at Con- 
cord, N. H 269 



Church organized at New- 
Haven, 262 

Church organized at Wo- 
burn, 265 

Churches among the In- 
dians, number of, 257 

Cobbet, Thomas, preserva- 
tion of, 191 

Colonies favored with good 
rulers, 37 

Colonies, confederacy of 
the, 302 

Concord, iN.H., massacre at, 103 

Concord, Mass., settlement 
of, 285 

Contribution at New Haven, 340 

Connecticut, derivation of 
the name, 303 

Connecticut, settlement of,. 27 

Converse, Capt., bravery of, 85 

Corbitant, Indian sachem, 
hostile spirit of, 34 

Cotton, Rev. Mr., preachei 
to the Indians, 257 

Covenant of the first Indian 
church, 251 

Cranfield, Governor of New 
Hampshire, 334 

Davenport, Rev. Mr., first 
minister of New Haven, . .261 

Davis, stratagem of, 96 

Davis, escape of, 211 

Day of humiliation observ- 
ed by Indians, 256 

Dean, Mrs., escape of, 75 

Deerfield attacked by In- 
dians, 89 

Diamond, John, tortured to 

death by Indians, 85 

Discoveries of a party from 

the Mayflower, 281 

Distemper among Indians, . . 31 
Downs, Quaker, taken by 

Indians, 100 

Drew, Mr. and Mrs., taken 

by Indians, 196 

Drought at Plymouth, 22 

Dunstable, escape of a wo- 
man at, 199 

Dustan, Mr. and Mrs., es- 
cape of, 194 

Earthquakes, 4S, 51 

Eaton, Theophilus, govern- 

of New Haven colony,. . .274 
Eliot, Rev. John, benero- 

lent labors of, 249 

Endicott, John, arrives at 

Salem, 23 

Epidemic disease, preva- 
lence of, 53 

Escape of a girl, 214 

Evans, John, preservation 

of, 903 

Evil overcome with good,.. 299 

Ewell, Mrs., escape of, 196 

Exeter saved from destruc- 
tion, 197 

Exploring expeditions from 
the Mayflower, 14 — 16 

Fabric around Forefathers' 
Rock, 356 

Falmouth destroyed by In- 
dians, 73 

Famine at Plymouth, 21 

Famine in Connecticut, ... . 28 

Faunce, Elder, takes leave 
of Forefathers' Rock, 354 

Fire at Plymouth, 19 

Foot spinning-wheel, intro- 
duction of the, 378 

Forefathers' Rock, removal 
of, ....355 

Fort on Arrowsick Island, 
men killed at, 71 

Frost, Mr., stratagem of, . . . 71 

Gardiner, Rev. Mr., killed 
by mistake, 327 

Garner, Richard, sufferings 
of, 26 

Gerrish, Sarah, a child, 
captivity of, 177 

Gibbon, Major, preserva- 
tion of, 181 

Goffe, Mrs., letter of, 341 

Goodwin, Mrs., preserva- 
tion of, 198 



Governor Carver, death of,. 20 
Governor Winthrop settles 

at Boston, 24 

Griswold, Jacob, escape of,. 201 

Hadley defended by Goffe, . . 66 
Haines, Jonathan and son, 

escape of, 193 

Hagar, negro slave, saves 

two children, 93 

Hanson, Mrs., taken by In- 
dians, 100 

Hartshorne, Mrs., preserva- 
tion of, 94 

Haverhill Village, Indian 

attack on, 92 

Hiacoomes, Indian preacher, 255 
Hilton, Col., preservation of, 197 
Hooker, Rev. Mr., adven- 
ture of, 30 

House built at Plymouth,. . . 18 
House of Gov. Winthrop,. . .300 
Howland, John, death of,... 284 
Howe, Mrs., captivity of,. . .167 
Howe, Ephraim, preserva- 
tion of, 179 

Hunt, Thomas, infamous 

conduct of, 280 

Hurd, Mrs., preservation of, 192 

Indian, origin of the name,. 307 
Indians, first encounter with, 16 
Indians, manners and cus- 
toms of, 307 

Indians, maternal affection 

of, 217 

Indians, filial affection of, . .218 
Indians, aged, treatment of, .219 

Indians, hospitality of, 220 

Indians, sympathy of, 225 

Indians, gratitude of, 226 

Indians, honesty of, 230 

Indians, fidelity of, 231 

Indians, shrewdness of, . . , .236 
Indians, magnanimity of,. . .239 
Indians, efforts to christian- 
ize the, 247, 248, 

253, 254, 256, 257 
Indian, letters written by 

an, 325, 326 


Indian impressed with the 

power of God, 246 

Indian deed, 295 

Indian converts, death of,. .251, 


Indian tribes, names of, 307 

Infant, remarkable preser- 
vation of an, 94 

Instrument signed by the 
Pilgrims, 280 

Ipswich, preservation of,. . . .182 

Johnson, Lieut, and wife, 
killed by Indians, 94 

John, Indian sagamore, 
death of,... 248 

Jordan, Dominions, killed 
by Indians, 318 

Journey through the wilder- 
ness, 27 

Keene annoyed by Indians, 104 
Kies, Solomon, escape of, ..202 

Kilburn, bravery of, 107 

Killingly, Indian expedition 
against, 200 

Landing of the Pilgrims,. . . .18 
Lands purchased of In- 
dians, 291—295 

Lathrop, Capt., surprised 

and slain by Indians, 63 

Laws and punishments, 304 — 306 
Leyden churcli formed, .... 7 
Leyden, company arrive 

from, 37 

Londonderry, settlement of, 264 
Longmeadow, attaek on 

people of, 65 

Longevity of the people of 

Londonderry, 371 

Lost child, 214 

Lovewell's fight, 100 

Maid servant, heroism of, . . . 58 
Maine, derivation of the 

name, 303 

Marks, Mrs., heroism of, . . .201 
Marriage, first in New Eng- 
land, 285 



Massasoit, Indian kmg^, .. 33, 37 
Massacliusetts, derivation 

of the name, 303 

Mayflower, the H, 12, 18 

Mayhew, Gov. preaches to 

the Indians, 254 

Mayhew, Rev. Thomas, 

preaches to the Indians,. .253 
Mayhew, Rev. John, prea- 
ches to tlie Indians, 254 

Means of subsistence pro- 
vided, 37 

Meeting-house, first in Bos- 
ton, 300 

Meeting-house, first in New 

Haven, 336 

Meeting-house, first in Bil- 

lerica, 300 

Men lost at Plymouth, 19 

Milford, Conn., purchase of, 293 
Ministers emigrate to New 

England, 340 

Ministers retained long,. . . .269 

Mission, first home, 301 

Moody, Rev. Joshua, im- 
prisonment of, 335 

Moody, Rev. Samuel, anec- 
dote of, 330 

Mortality, bill of, 20 

M'Gregore, Rev. Mr., set- 
tles at Londonderry, 264 

Names of the Pilgrims, 231 

Naughaut, Indian, preser- 
vation of, 184 

New England, derivation 

of the name, 280 

Newspaper, first printed in 

New England, 329 

New Haven, settlement of,. 261 
New Haven, purchase of,... 292 
New Hampshire, derivation 

of the name, 303 

Norton, Capt., killed by In- 
dians, 59 

Northampton, purchase of, . .293 
Northampton, minister set- 
tled at, 266 

Northey, John, infant, pre- 
servation of, 196 

North Yarmouth attacked 
by Indians, 110 

Olden time, manners and 

customs of, 358 

Oldham, John, killed by 

Indians, 60 

Ordination at New Haven, .262 
Ordination at Concord, N.H.,2b7 

Ordination at Salem, 259 

Ordination at Woburn, 265 

Owen, Dr. John, forbidden 
to leave England, 340 

Page, Mr., privations of, 329 

Painting in Pilgrim Hall, ...357 

Patent, Plymouth, 34 

Peabody's River, origin of 

the name, 327 

Penacook, people saved from 

starvation at, 319 

Pequots, cruelties of the, ... 62 
Pierce, John, treachery of,. . ?,G 
Pilgrims, civil cojiipact of 

the, 14 

Pilgrims, contentment of 

the, 35 

Plots, Indian, defeated, 179, 182, 

Porterfield, Mrs., narrative of, 203 
Potatoes, culture of, intro- 
duced, 370 

Popery, proselyting zeal for, 123, 
125, 126, 131, 132, 166 
Pox, small, among the In- 
dians,. ..243 

Prayer, answers to, 41, 42, 43, 
45, 46, 126, 331, 333, 335 
Printing press, first in New 

England, .300 

Puritan, origin of the name, 7 
Puritans, persecution of the, 8, 9 
Putnam and the wolf, 351 

Quakers, persecution of, , . .373 

Regicides, GofFe and Whal 
ley, 184, 344 

Rehoboth, Indian depreda- 
tions in, 86 



Religion and morals of the 

Indians, 312 

Religion, family, 274, 275 

Revival, great, ministers' 

testimony respecting the,. 392 
Rhode Island, derivation of 

tlie name, 303 

Robinson, Rev. John, elect- 
ed pastor, 7 

Robinson, Rev. Mr., death 

of, 23 

Rock, Forefathers', removal 

of, 355 

Rogers, Robert, tortured to 

death by Indians, 77 

Rolfe, Rev. Mr. and Mrs., 

killed by Indians, 93 

Rowlandson,Mrs., narrative 

of, 135 

Sabbath,sanctification of the,272 

Sabbuthat Nev.' Haven, 272 

Salem, colony settle at, 23 

Saraoset, Indian, visits Ply- 
mouth, 32 

Sanctuary, services of the, 

how conducted, 338 

Sanctuary, attendance upon 

the, 273 

Saybrook assaulted by In- 
dians, 6i 

Scarcity, season of, 25 

Servant girl, heroism of, 58 

Settlements on Cocheco Ri- 
ver attacked by Indians, ..71 
Settlements on Oyster Ri- 
ver attacked by Indians, . .74 
Sewall, Rev. Jotham, inci- 
dents related b}-, 331,333 

Ship Arabella arrives with 

■ Gov. VVinthrop, 23 

Sheldon, Mrs,, killed by In- 
dians, 90 

Simsbury, escape from, . . . .213 
Simsbury burnt bv Indians, 213 
Skeleton found at Fall River, 323 
Smith, Rev. Ralph, first 
minister of Plymouth, . . .285 

Snow, great fall of, 329 

Speedwell, the, 11 

Springfield, Indian attack on,64 

Squanto, Indian, 33, 246 

Stamford,murdcrous assault 

at, ']2 

Stamp act, 401 

Standish, Capt., tradition of, 183 
Stealing, remedy used to 

prevent, 299 

St. James' River, engage- 
ment at, 86 

Stoddard, Rev. Mr., preser- 
vation of, 318 

Stone, Capt., killed by In- 
dians, 59 

Stone, Simon, preservation 

of, 190 

Storm, great, 47 

Submission of sagamores 

to king James, 34 

Sudbury, Indian attack on,.. 69 
Sufferings of the first set- 
tlers of Connecticut, 23 

Swan, Mrs., heroism of, ....95 
Swarton, Mrs., narrative of, 162 

Taylor, Rebekah, preserva- 
tion of, 197 

Taunton attacked by Indians, 87 
Thacher, Rev. Mr., and 

wife, preservation of, 182 

Tilly, Joseph, tortured to 

death by Indians, 61 

Treaty with Massasoit, 33 

Treaty renewed, 37 

Treat, Rev. Mr., preaches 

to the Indians, 257 

Turner's Falls, fight at, 187 

Uncas and Miantonomoh, ..319 

Vermont, derivation of the 
name, 303 

Visit of Mr. Winslow to 
Massasoit, 242 

Visit of Gov. Winthrop to 
Plymouth, 298 

Wainwright, Capt., killed 

by Indians, 94 

Wainwright. Mrs., escape of, 95 



Waldron, Major, massacre 
of, ....73 

Walpole attacked by Indians, 107 
Wampum, manufacture of, .314 
Wampum made lawful ten- 
der, 307 

Waquash, Indian, conver- 
sion of, 246 

War threatened by the In- 
dians, 20 

Wars, Indian, number of,. . . 54 
War, Indian, consequences 

of, 54, 55, 56, 57, 315 

Warrant issued by an In- 
dian, 319 

Washincrton Elm, the, 368 

Wells, Me., attacked by In- 
dians, 82 

Wells, Indians assault a 

wedding party at, 200 

Westmoreland, escape of a 

party at, 211 

Wheeler, Capt., escape of, . . 68 
Whitaker, Joseph, a boy, 
taken by Indians, 172 

Whitaker, Anna, escape of,. 93 
White, Peregrine, birth of, . .284 
Williams, Rev. Roger, suf- 
ferings of, 27 

Williams, Rev. John, nar- 
rative of, 112 

Williams, Mrs., killed by 

Indians, 115 

Winslow, Gen., anecdote of, 354 
Winslow, Capt., slain by 

Indians, 86 

Winthrop, Gov., particulars 

related of, 296 

Woburn, settlement of, ... .289 
W oolcot, Mrs., killed by In- 
dians, 88 

Witchcraft, 381 

Witchcraft, causes of belief 

in, 389 

Witchcraft, delusion of the 
belief in, 390 

Yankee, origin of the name, 302 
York destroyed by Indians, 80